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排序方式: 共有88条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
The objective of this study was to identify factors predictive of duration of involuntary hospitalization, i.e., factors that would predict early versus late conversion to voluntary status. Charts of 209 patients admitted involuntarily to an acute psychiatric inpatient unit were studied using a naturalistic, prospective design. Multivariate regression analysis was used to determine the effect of a number of variables in predicting duration of involuntary hospitalization. Of all variables studied, only smoking preference was found to be a statistically significant predictor of duration of involuntary hospitalization. Smokers were converted to voluntary status earlier than non-smokers. The authors concluded that clinicians may not be using commitment statutes as per recommended legal guidelines. Patients who smoke may be applying overt and covert pressure on clinicians with regard to conversion to voluntary status to gain smoking privileges. 相似文献
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63.
Irving Louis Horowitz David Thomson James D. Wright Melvin Sabshin M.D. Thomas Szasz David Youngerman Lionel Tiger Sergei Kan Anatoly Khazanov Igor Krupnik Michael Krauss Erhard Roy Wiehn M.A. Hans-Georg Soeffner Leonard Plotnicov M. Chlenov A. Borodstova A. Pershitz I. Kozhanovskaya A. Kozhanovsky N. Kulakova V. Stelmakh L. Sheinbaum K. Tertitzky L. Perepyolkin O. Artyomova 《Society》1995,32(6):4-8
64.
Veselinovic IS Zgonjanin DM Maletin MP Stojkovic O Djurendic-Brenesel M Vukovic RM Tasic MM 《Forensic science international》2008,176(2-3):e23-e28
Seventeen Y-chromosomal STR (short tandem repeat) loci were analyzed in a group of 185 healthy unrelated male individuals (n=185) from the population of Serbian province of Vojvodina. After minimal haplotype STR loci analysis we observed 129 different haplotypes. The most frequent haplotype was found in 13 copies, and total haplotype diversity was 99.11%. After analysis of additional eight Y-STR loci (DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, DYS448, DYS456, DYS458, DYS635 and YGATAH4) there were 176 different haplotypes observed, out of which 168 appeared in single copies, and 7 haplotypes appeared twice. The most frequent haplotype was found in three copies. The haplotype diversity (99.94%) and discrimination capacity (95.13%) were calculated. Comparisons were made with previously published haplotype data on neighbouring population samples and significant differences were demonstrated at DYS19, DYS389II and DYS393 loci. Pairwise comparison of populations revealed that our sample was significantly different only from Hungarian sample (RST=23.98%, p=0.0091). 相似文献
65.
A decision analytic model to guide early‐stage government regulatory action: Applications for synthetic biology 下载免费PDF全文
Benjamin Trump Christopher Cummings Jennifer Kuzma Igor Linkov 《Regulation & Governance》2018,12(1):88-100
Synthetic biology (SB) involves the alteration of living cells and biomolecules for specific purposes. Products developed using these approaches could have significant societal benefits, but also pose uncertain risks to human and environmental health. Policymakers currently face decisions regarding how stringently to regulate and monitor various SB applications. This is a complex task, in which policymakers must balance uncertain economic, political, social, and health‐related decision factors associated with SB use. We argue that formal decision analytical tools could serve as a method to integrate available evidence‐based information and expert judgment on the impacts associated with SB innovations, synthesize that information into quantitative indicators, and serve as the first step toward guiding governance of these emerging technologies. For this paper, we apply multi‐criteria decision analysis to a specific case of SB, a micro‐robot based on biological cells called “cyberplasm.” We use data from a Delphi study to assess cyberplasm governance options and demonstrate how such decision tools may be used for assessments of SB oversight. 相似文献
66.
Are middle schools ill-suited for early adolescents, or can school characteristics account for any differences in student functioning? Achievement, school engagement, and perceived competence of children starting middle schools in 5th and 6th grades were compared to those of their same-grade peers in elementary schools in a national, longitudinal sample (NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development, n = 855; 52% Female, 82% White). Classroom quality (observed and teacher-reported) and school characteristics (composition and size) were considered as explanations for any relationships between school-level and student functioning. Fifth grade middle school students did not differ from those in elementary school, but students entering middle school in 6th grade, compared to those in elementary school, experienced lower classroom quality, which in turn predicted slightly lower achievement. They also had lower school engagement, explained by larger school size. Classroom quality and school characteristics predicted youth functioning regardless of school type. We suggest reshaping the research and policy debate with renewed focus on classroom quality and school size instead of grade organization. 相似文献
67.
This article introduces the special issue by presenting a framework for the study of regulatory politics using the analytical tools and approaches of comparative political economy. Having traced the evolution of studies on regulation, it argues that scholars should pay more attention to the systemic features affecting regulation and to the relationship between regulatory policies and their outcomes. The article presents the foundations of an analytical framework based on the “regulatory policy process,” a comprehensive approach that links inputs, outputs, and outcomes. The review of the contributions to this special issue shows that regulatory regimes can be better understood by placing them within the broader political economy of a state or region. A renewed focus on regulatory outcomes can help foresee what one should expect from the impact of a certain regulatory regime on a political‐economic system. 相似文献
68.
Igor Fedotenkov 《后苏联事务》2020,36(2):159-170
ABSTRACTThis article applies time series analysis to examine weekly data on Vladimir Putin’s approval rating and their dependence on terrorist attacks. I find that minor terrorist attacks with few or no fatalities in Chechnya, Ingushetia, and Dagestan increase Putin’s ratings, while major terrorist attacks, with more than four fatalities, have a negative impact. There is also evidence that terrorist attacks in other Russian regions reduce Putin’s public approval; however, this evidence is weaker and depends on the model specification. Furthermore, I control for main annual media events with President Putin’s participation: the television Q&A program “Direct Line with V. Putin,” Putin’s address to the Federal Assembly, and a large annual press conference. All three media events increase the president’s approval, with Direct Line having the least effect. 相似文献
69.
AbstractThe diversification of allegiances with several more powerful states is seen as a way for minor actors to improve their strategic position in the international system. The result, however, could become less than desirable when these relations are both essential and contradictory. This article intends to examine the challenges for Transnistrian foreign policy through the concepts of bandwagoning and balancing. It uses alternative neorealist perspectives to identify various types of alignment and then examines how this landlocked territorial entity attempts to use relations with Russia and Ukraine to protect its statehood and identity in the context of the ongoing threat from Moldova. This article identifies that twice in the last decade (after the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan), the strategy of ‘dual alignment’ failed. It claims that recent attempts by both the EU and Ukraine to weaken Russia’s position in the region by isolating Transnistria has led to a further strengthening of ties between this actor and Moscow. 相似文献
70.
Igor Khodachek 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2018,41(5-6):460-477
ABSTRACTThis study explores how public sector reform discourses are reflected in Russian central government budgeting. Through the lenses of institutional logics, Russian central government budgeting is considered to be a social institution that is influenced by rivaling reform paradigms: Public Administration, New Public Management (NPM), the Neo-Weberian State, and New Public Governance. Although NPM has dominated the agenda during the last decade, all four have been presented in “talks” and “decisions” regarding government budgeting. The empirical evidence illustrates that the implementation of management accounting techniques in the Russian public sector has coincided with and contradicted the construction of the Russian version of bureaucratic governance, which is referred to as the vertical of power. Having been accompanied by participatory mechanisms and a re-evaluation of the Soviet legacy, the reforms have created prerequisites for various outcomes at the level of budgeting practices: conflicts, as in the UK, and hybridization, as in Finland. 相似文献