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81.
82.
The textual form of law relates to language and not to narration but to myth. Law's text does not develop in the temporal
sequence of past-present-future, but spreads by analogy of concentric circles. If ‘normal’ myth is a folklore of people then
the law is a myth retold by lawyers. For the sake of separation of legal myth from mythology as a whole, law creates its own
rituals. In post-modern societies the mythologization of law becomes even more important as the boundaries between legal and
lay communities are challenged. Classical legal theories cannot deal with this change and Kafka's The Trial is as good a jurisprudence as any other legal theory.
This revised version was published online in November 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
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Stemberga V Bosnar A Bralic M Medved I Simic O Pocekaj L 《Forensic science international》2006,163(1-2):138-140
The case of the heart embolization with the Kirschner wire that was used for shoulder trauma fixation, 2 years previously in a 67-year-old female, is reported. This case is unique; although embolization of foreign bodies to the heart is not a novel occurrence, heart embolization with non-broken Kirschner wire with a total length of 13.5 cm without cardiac tamponade was not described in medical literature so far. 相似文献
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This article examines reactions to de-Stalinisation in Soviet Moldavia between February 1956 and March 1957. The article is based on evidence from the archives of both the former Communist Party of Moldavia and the Moldavian KGB. It highlights the uncertainty there was at local levels because of the denunciation of Stalin. Local party reports demonstrate concern about the activities of religious activists, Western propaganda, nationalism and disaffected youth. The Hungarian revolution of 1956 caused the party to change tack, and to begin a clampdown. These reports highlight that Soviet rule had very shallow roots in Moldavia. 相似文献
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King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed. 相似文献