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101.
102.
Multi-Stage: A Rule-Based Evolution of Future Commitments under the Climate Change Convention 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Michel G. J. Den Elzen Marcel Berk Paul Lucas Patrick Criqui Alban Kitous 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2006,6(1):1-28
This article presents the regional emission targets corresponding to different climate regimes for differentiating commitments
beyond 2012 on the basis of the Multi-Stage approach. This approach assumes a gradual increase in the number of Parties involved
and their level of commitment according to participation and differentiation rules. The analysis focuses on two global greenhouse
gas emission profiles resulting in CO2-equivalent concentrations stabilising at 550 and 650 ppmv in 2100 and 2150, respectively. Three Multi-Stage cases have been
developed in order to assess different types of thresholds. These share three consecutive stages representing different commitments:
stage 1 – no quantitative commitments; stage 2 – emission–limitation targets and stage 3 – emission reduction targets. The
analysis shows that by 2025 all three cases result in emission reduction objectives for all Annex I regions of at least 30–55%
below their 1990 levels for 550 ppmv, whereas for 650 ppmv target they range from 0 to 20%. Furthermore, early participation
is required of the major non-Annex I regions through emission limitation targets i.e. before 2025 and 2050 for the 550 and
650 ppmv targets, respectively. The first participation threshold for adopting emission–limitation targets on the basis of
a capability–responsibility index (as introduced here) can provide for a balanced and timely participation of non-Annex I
regions. Major strengths and weaknesses of the climate regimes are discussed and important obstacles and pre-conditions for
their feasibility and acceptability are highlighted. 相似文献
103.
104.
A comprehensive epidemiological study of the involvement of cannabis and ethanol in motor vehicle fatalities in the Province of Ontario, Canada, is described. The study is based on toxicological analyses of blood and, when available, urine specimens. Ethanol was determined by headspace gas chromatography (GC). For cannabis, the methods employed were radioimmunoassays (RIAs) for screening and gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS) for the determination of delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) in blood. The study sample consisted of 1169 drivers and 225 pedestrians. THC was detected in the blood of 127 driver victims (10.9%) in concentrations ranging from 0.2 to 37 ng/mL, with a mean of 3.1 +/- 5.0 ng/mL. Ethanol was found in 667 driver victims (57.1%), in concentrations ranging from 9 to 441 mg/100 mL, with a mean of 165.8 +/- 79.5 mg/100 mL. For pedestrians, the incidence of THC and ethanol in the blood was 7.6 and 53.3%, respectively. The incidence of THC in the driver victims in this study constitutes an approximately threefold increase over the results of an Ontario study completed in 1979. At least a part of the increase may be attributed to interstudy differences in analytical methodology for cannabinoids. 相似文献
105.
106.
W. Scott Lucas 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):556-558
ABSTRACTThe United States was at least partly culpable for the failure of denuclearisation agreements with North Korea concluded during the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush in the 1990s and early 2000s. American failure to implement commitments in a timely manner arose from a combination of domestic and presidential politics, the constraints imposed by international partnerships, and bureaucratic structures and procedures. For its part, North Korea implemented its commitments faithfully until its leadership’s increasing disenchantment with American tardiness and perceived lack of good faith. 相似文献
107.
108.
Lucas Winter 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(11):883-895
This article looks at the growth and evolution of the The Abdullah Azzam Brigades, from the group's Egyptian origins through its most recent attack on a Japanese tanker in the Hormuz Straits. In addition to an overview of the group's main personalities and claims of responsibility, the article aims to explain the group by placing it in the context of recent jihadi theory. 相似文献
109.
W. Scott Lucas 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(3):196-200
Saki Dockrill, Eisenhower's New‐Look National Security Policy, 1953–61 (London: Macmillan, 1996). Pp. xvi + 400, biblio, index. NP. ISBN 0–333–65655–5. Erika Alin, The United States and the 1958 Lebanon Crisis (Lanham MD: University Press of America, 1994). Pp.160, biblio, index. NP. ISBN 0–8191–9332–1. Audrey R. and George McT. Kahin. Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia (New York: Norton, 1995). Pp.318, index. £17.95. ISBN 1–56584–244–8. 相似文献
110.
Scott Lucas 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2-3):203-227
The concept of ‘politicization’ of the US intelligence services, and in particular the CIA, has been debated by scholars for many years. However, it has also been easily dismissed by those investigating recent US foreign policy, as in the Robb-Silberman Commission's assurance over the 2003 Iraq War that ‘the Intelligence Community needs to be pushed’. This essay seeks an extension of the critique of politicization by considering the historical context since the formation of the CIA. It seeks an application of that critique by putting forth, when evaluating the policy and operations of the George W. Bush administration, the notion of an ‘alternative network’ within the government. The argument is that politicization must be linked to a conception of ‘Executive power’, both within the American bureaucracy and in the projection and rationalization of US aims overseas. 相似文献