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191.
192.
The paper reports the experience of the State of Illinois using proprietary and nonproprietary vendors to provide in-home services to the elderly. The analysis suggests proprietary vendors were associated with a significant increase in service costs when vendors were allowed to determine service needs of clients. However, such differences disappeared as the state implemented effortso increase political oversight and competition. 相似文献
193.
H. Hamner Hill 《Law and Philosophy》1987,6(2):227-247
In this paper I argue for three theses. First, most philosophical analyses of the problem of normative conflict, being based on the impossibility-of-joint-compliance test for conflict, are inadequate. Second, expanding on suggestions made by H. L. A. Hart and Stephen Munzer, I develop an understanding of normative conflict which is not tied to the concept of obedience. Such an understanding of normative conflict is expressly functional: normative conflicts arise when one norm interferes with the intended functioning of another. Third, working from a functional concept of normative conflict, I develop a taxonomical classification scheme for the phenomenon of normative conflict. Normative conflict is the genus within which there are three species: normative contradiction, normative collision, and normative competition. Department of Philosophy, Southeast Missouri State University, Cape Girardeau, MO 63701, U.S.A. 相似文献
194.
195.
Fiona Hill 《East Asia》1995,14(3):3-49
Russian-Japanese relations are frozen in time by their territorial dispute over the Kuril Islands. In untangling the dispute,
scholars have studied the history of Russo-Japanese relations, the USSR’s annexation of the islands in 1945, and the role
of the United States as the USSR’s erstwhile wartime ally and Japan’s postwar partner. The United Kingdom, a key player in
1945, has been neglected in these studies. This article analyzes the evolution of the British position on the Soviet-Japanese
territorial dispute from 1945 to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1956. The article
reveals the marked divergence in this position from that of the United States, proceeding from a disagreement over the interpretation
of the 1945 Yalta Agreement. In addition, the article highlights the manipulation of the territorial dispute by the United
States to further its own political and security objectives and the British reaction to these maneuvers.
Her recent publications includeBack in the USSR: Russia’s Intervention in the Internal Affairs of the Former Soviet Republics and the Implications for United
States Policy Toward Russia (with Pamela Jewett) (John F. Kennedy School of Government, 1994). 相似文献
196.
197.
Daryl Hill 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1996,55(4):72-76
This article argues a case for exporting government services in cases where the public sector has relevant expertise and can operate within acceptable risks. Drawing on Victorian experience, it suggests structures and procedures for effective operation in international markets. 相似文献
198.
Lisa Hill 《Political studies》2002,50(1):80-101
The legitimacy of compelling citizens to vote is rarely explored beyond claims about partisan benefit or infractions of liberty and democratic freedom of choice. Using the Australian model as a particularly successful and well administered case, I explore more deeply the issue of whether the state imposed obligation to vote is a legitimate one. The problem is approached via a number of questions, among them: Does compulsion have any properties that make it superior to a voluntary system? Does compulsion place an undue burden on voters? Is voting in the interests of individuals? Does voting do any good? Is there an obligation to vote? And, if so, to whom is the obligation owed?
I conclude that compulsion is reasonable because it yields collective (and ultimately individual) goods and protects a number of democratic, liberal and moral values. It is suggested that although there may be an obligation (but not a duty) to vote, this obligation is not owed to the state but rather to other citizens. An important effect of compulsory voting is its capacity to make voting a more 'rational' activity because it limits informational uncertainty and reduces opportunity costs. Compulsion removes most, if not all, the barriers to voting normally experienced by abstainers in voluntary systems. In doing so it releases or generates a variety of positive values, utilities and capabilities. 相似文献
I conclude that compulsion is reasonable because it yields collective (and ultimately individual) goods and protects a number of democratic, liberal and moral values. It is suggested that although there may be an obligation (but not a duty) to vote, this obligation is not owed to the state but rather to other citizens. An important effect of compulsory voting is its capacity to make voting a more 'rational' activity because it limits informational uncertainty and reduces opportunity costs. Compulsion removes most, if not all, the barriers to voting normally experienced by abstainers in voluntary systems. In doing so it releases or generates a variety of positive values, utilities and capabilities. 相似文献
199.
No general explanation seems to distinguish popular from unpopularuniform state law proposals. Adoption appears to be a productof the timeliness of specific proposals rather than of the wisdomor "necessity" of the movement itself or of the purely technical,legal, or policy merits of individual proposals. Overall, thestates have not been highly responsive to uniform law proposals.The predominant factor discriminating high from low adoptingstates is political culture: moralistic states have, on average,the highest adoption rate; traditionalistic states have thelowest. This finding is plausible in terms of both the "goodcommonwealth" orientation of the moralistic political cultureand the "good government" orientation of many uniform law proposals. 相似文献
200.
Wendi?PollockEmail author Milton?C.?Hill Scott?Menard Delbert?S.?Elliott 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2016,41(4):623-644
National Youth Survey Family Study (NYSFS) respondents were examined to identify the characteristics of individuals and their sociological environments, that would make them more likely to have consistency between self reported and officially recorded records of arrest. Somewhat surprisingly, it was found that those most likely to be at risk of arrest (males, high exposure to delinquent friends, higher level of substance use) are more likely to have consistency between officially recorded and self-reported arrests. Findings will be helpful in both producing more accurate information on arrests and in increasing sensitivity to the possibility of bias in arrest records that may be based on sociodemographic or behavioral characteristics of the individual. 相似文献