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961.
This article examines the nature and scope of the legal challenges mounted against religious symbolism in European public schools. It discusses religion in education and the relationship between Church and State in European societies. The European Court is defining what counts as a religious symbol through a secular lens and while the court upholds the right to hold a religious belief it qualifies this right to manifest belief in public. This article argues that the courts should be more accommodating in their approach towards the public manifestation of religious beliefs and traditions.  相似文献   
962.
The paper begins with the question: how applicable are European and North American criminological theories to the situation in Asia? It takes a transnational and comparative perspective in relating contemporary and historical trends in crime, crime definition and crime control in a variety of Asian countries that comprise the so-called Confucian sphere. It provides a criminological critique of the ‘Asian values debate’ and, through an analysis of trends in crime, crime definition and crime control in China and Japan, of organised crime across the region, as well as selected examples of state-organised crime, seeks to provide a perspective on the developing criminological discourses of ‘the Orient’. The paper argues that, although cultural aspects are important and interesting in understanding the crime situation in the region, ultimately it is changes in politics and governance, economy and society that are most efficacious in explaining current criminological trends and developments.  相似文献   
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The Human Rights Act is the result of post-war changes in Europe. It is the consequence less of the campaigning of dedicated individuals and more of the change in the position of the United Kingdom in Europe and the world. Objections to incorporation of the Convention have given way to the desire to be like the rest of Europe. Traditional views of the judicial role have given way to a perception of the judiciary as the last bastion against an over-powerful executive, unchecked by Parliament.  相似文献   
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Abstract. A new style of averment reappraisal is described in this two-part paper. The first part deals with the way in which the Ontario Government structured this reapraisal using a combination of government and non-government people to establish an effective change agent. The second part details the key elements of the new structure at both the cabinet and ministry levels, including the new Policy and Priorities Board of Cabinet, the three policy field committees of cabinet, a new kind of minister with no administrative responsibilities, their respective support staffs, and the role of the treasurer. The paper then outlines the progress made to date to implement the recommendations and some observations for those who might be contemplating a similar study of government management. Interim reports, regular meetings with cabinet, a leadership convention, and a provincial election all aided in achieving what Premier William G. Davis has referred to as ‘the most comprehensive restructuring of Government in this country.’ Sommaire. Dans cette communication en deux parties, l'auteur décrit un nouveau mode de réévaluation gouvernementale. Dans la première partie, il explique comment son government a structurté cette réévaluation en se servant d'une combination de personnel governmental et de gens de l'extérieur pour créer un agent de hangmen efficace. Dans la deuxième partie, il expose en détail les éléments clés de la nouvelle structure au niveau du cabinet et des ministères, y compris le nouveau conseil de cabinet sur les politiques et les priorités, les trois comités des secteurs de politiques, un nouveau genre de ministre sans responsabilités administratives, leur personnel respectd et le rôle du trésorier. Il rapporte ensuite les progrès réalisés jursqu'ici dans Papplication des recommandations et fait quelques observations à I'intention de ceux qui envisageraient une étude semblable de leur gestion gouvernementale. Des rapports intérimaires, des réunions régulières du cabinet, un congrès de chefferie et une élection provinciale, tout cela a contribuéà ce que le premier ministre William G. Davis a appelé“la restructuration gouvernementale la plus complète jamais effectuée dans ce pays”.  相似文献   
967.
James Shields 《政治学》2010,30(1):61-69
There is a comforting consensus among political commentators that the 2007 presidential election marked the end of Jean-Marie Le Pen as a force in French politics. The shock election of the Front National leader to the presidential run-off in 2002, by contrast, is explained as a surge in the Le Pen vote specific to the prevailing electoral conditions. This article challenges that interpretation of both elections. It shows that, despite Le Pen's unforeseen success in 2002, there was no surge of support for him, and that despite Le Pen's supposed collapse in 2007, he won close to 4 million votes while popular agreement with his ideas rose to its highest recorded level. The article concludes that Le Pen remains a powerful presence in French politics and that his supporters continue to constitute a large and highly influential constituency.  相似文献   
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Hugh Leach 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):337-341
Jason Abbott is Lecturer in International Politics in the Department of Political, International and Policy Studies, the University of Surrey. Formerly a Teaching Fellow at the School of Oriental and African Studies and Lecturer at Nottingham Trent University, he is the author of several publications on South East Asian politics.

Oliver Franks is a postgraduate student in Asian Politics at the School of Oriental and African Studies.  相似文献   
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