全文获取类型
收费全文 | 8018篇 |
免费 | 298篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 355篇 |
工人农民 | 254篇 |
世界政治 | 635篇 |
外交国际关系 | 407篇 |
法律 | 4484篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 83篇 |
政治理论 | 2042篇 |
综合类 | 54篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 62篇 |
2020年 | 106篇 |
2019年 | 138篇 |
2018年 | 202篇 |
2017年 | 232篇 |
2016年 | 209篇 |
2015年 | 155篇 |
2014年 | 188篇 |
2013年 | 948篇 |
2012年 | 186篇 |
2011年 | 240篇 |
2010年 | 190篇 |
2009年 | 208篇 |
2008年 | 229篇 |
2007年 | 198篇 |
2006年 | 243篇 |
2005年 | 229篇 |
2004年 | 218篇 |
2003年 | 211篇 |
2002年 | 219篇 |
2001年 | 271篇 |
2000年 | 221篇 |
1999年 | 172篇 |
1998年 | 111篇 |
1997年 | 117篇 |
1996年 | 80篇 |
1995年 | 110篇 |
1994年 | 115篇 |
1993年 | 118篇 |
1992年 | 135篇 |
1991年 | 144篇 |
1990年 | 126篇 |
1989年 | 128篇 |
1988年 | 129篇 |
1987年 | 133篇 |
1986年 | 145篇 |
1985年 | 158篇 |
1984年 | 124篇 |
1983年 | 127篇 |
1982年 | 80篇 |
1981年 | 94篇 |
1980年 | 61篇 |
1979年 | 77篇 |
1978年 | 68篇 |
1977年 | 48篇 |
1976年 | 55篇 |
1975年 | 49篇 |
1974年 | 68篇 |
1973年 | 52篇 |
1970年 | 45篇 |
排序方式: 共有8316条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
171.
James R. Tilley 《Political studies》2005,53(2):442-453
This research note explores the mechanisms behind age differences and changes over time in one of the two major value dimensions in British politics, libertarian-authoritarianism. I show that the British electorate has become substantially more libertarian over the last 30 years, but that older people have remained more authoritarian than younger people over this period. Conventionally, due to the problem of the under-identification of models containing age, period and cohort variables, it is difficult to assess whether this indicates generational differences, and generational change, or not. This paper overcomes some of these problems however, by measuring social ageing factors, such as marriage, and using panel data to rigorously assess how individuals change due to these social ageing factors. I find little evidence of psychologists' claims that social ageing leads to increases in authoritarianism, and conclude that both age differences and changes over time are generational in nature. 相似文献
172.
James E. Swiss 《Public administration review》2005,65(5):592-602
Many governmental results-based management systems have not produced the expected positive effects. This article analyzes the reasons for this common disappointment by looking at three components of results-based management—results-specific information, capacities, and incentives—and concludes that incentives are often the least developed. It then synthesizes a simple framework for evaluating the efficacy of results-oriented incentives. To be successful, results-specific incentives must be tailored to fit four program characteristics: timeliness, political environment, clarity of the cause-and-effect chain, and tightness of focus. This framework suggests that some systems put too exclusive an emphasis on budgetary incentives and could be strengthened by emphasizing personnel-system rewards, especially those that look beyond business models. 相似文献
173.
Sona N. Golder 《Electoral Studies》2005,24(4):643-663
Despite the vast coalition literature, pre-electoral coalitions have never been at the center of any systematic, cross-national research. Given their prevalence and potential impact on government composition and policies, this represents a serious omission in our knowledge of coalitions. I begin to remedy this situation by testing two hypotheses found in the literature on party coalitions. The first is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form in disproportional systems if there are a sufficiently large number of parties. The second is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form if voters face high uncertainty about the identity of future governments. These hypotheses are tested using a new dataset comprising legislative elections in 22 advanced industrialized countries between 1946 and 1998. The results of the statistical analysis support the first hypothesis, but not the second. 相似文献
174.
175.
This article focuses on whether the provision of 'objectively' correct information to voters about where parties stand on an issue affects their placement of the parties, and ultimately their own position, on that issue. Classic theories of how mass publics make voting decisions assume that voters are able relatively accurately to place themselves and the parties on various issue dimensions. While these assumptions have been challenged, it is generally assumed that the provision of new information makes voters' placements more informed. We explicitly test this idea using a survey experiment focusing on one political issue – European integration. In the experiment, all respondents were twice asked to place the three main British parties and themselves on a bipolar scale of European integration. This was done towards the beginning, and then at the end of the survey. Most respondents were also given information on the 'informed' positions of the parties, derived from expert survey placement. Our analyses indicate that individuals' placements did change, and the tendency was related to both political sophistication and the inherent difficulty of placing the party. Only less sophisticated voters updated their placements, and these changes are concentrated on the placement of the Labour party, where the elite stance on Europe has been more conflicted. For all respondents we do not detect any corresponding changes in self-placement that would be congruent with 'cueing' effects. 相似文献
176.
James A. Chandler 《Political studies》2008,56(2):355-373
It is shown in this article how theories justifying local government in Britain are largely based on the expedience of providing administrative efficiency or stable democracy for the central state rather than ethical grounds that justify local government as an independent entity in its own right. The article critically reviews the development of theories justifying local government within Britain and argues that it is possible on the basis of Mill's arguments within On Liberty to establish a strong ethical justification for local government. It is shown how Mill did not develop this line of thought but established substantive arguments concerning the value of local government for securing a stable liberal democracy and how successive mainstream theorists have modified but not substantially departed from this approach. 相似文献
177.
Opinion Taking within Friendship Networks 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Suzanne L. Parker Glenn R. Parker James A. McCann 《American journal of political science》2008,52(2):412-420
Communication within friendship networks can provide gains in efficiency that help individuals enrich their understanding of politics. Through two panel survey experiments, we demonstrate that the dissemination of an individual's opinion about the hazards posed by public policies can have both durable and significant effects on the policy judgments of friends. These effects are conditioned by both the content of the communication and the recipient's level of political awareness. Opinions emphasizing potential risks carry more weight than those that attempt to alleviate concerns about potential risks. Moreover, opinion transmission is more effective for subjects who are less politically aware when policy issues are salient; but when the political issue is more esoteric, friends who are more politically aware evidence greater opinion change. 相似文献
178.
We investigate the political economy of IMF forecasts with data for 157 countries (1999–2005). Generally, we find evidence of forecast bias in growth and inflation. Specifically, we find that countries voting with the United States in the UN General Assembly receive lower inflation forecasts as domestic elections approach. Countries with large loans outstanding from the IMF also receive lower inflation forecasts, suggesting that the IMF engages in “defensive forecasting.” Finally, countries with fixed exchange rate regimes receive lower inflation forecasts, suggesting the IMF desires to preserve stability as inflation can have detrimental effects under such an exchange rate regime. 相似文献
179.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
180.
Lori H. Colwell PhD Holly A. Miller Rowland S. Miller Phillip M. Lyons Jr 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2013,19(5):489-503
Abstract The current study surveyed a random sample of Texas law enforcement officers (n?=?109) about their knowledge regarding behaviors indicative of deception. The officers were not highly knowledgeable about this topic, overall performing at a chance level in assessing how various behavioral cues relate to deception. Confidence in one's skill was unrelated to accuracy, and officers who reported receiving the most training and utilizing these skills more often were more confident but no more accurate in their knowledge of the behaviors that typically betray deception. The authors compare these results to previous studies that have examined officers’ beliefs in other countries and discuss the implication of these results in terms of developing future training programs that may debunk the common misconceptions that officers possess. 相似文献