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941.
An exploratory, qualitative examination of homeless, recovering alcoholic men in a Twelve-Step program shows the ways these
men adapt tools of sobriety to match their needs. Using semi-structured interviews, the experiences of these men were evaluated
in order to find out how they stay sober without a formal place to live. Based on the narrative histories, three varieties
of adaptations to the conventional Alcoholics Anonymous program are discussed: excessive twelfth-stepping, a mélange of religious
principles, and unrealistic ideals. Implications for treatment and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
942.
<正>在环境与发展的政策制定中公众参与的提升,一般被认为是政府对可持续发展治理的一个本质特征。例如,21世纪议程把"公众广泛地参与政策制定"作为"实现可持续发展的基本前提"(UN,1993:219)。经合组织也认为,考虑到"因为可持续发展目标的多样性和复杂性","精心设计的协商和参与过程在与政策推动可持续 相似文献
943.
Peter James 《German politics》2013,22(2):202-210
Franz Josef Strauβ died in October 1988, exactly two years before German unity. He was undoubtedly one of Germany's most dynamic and controversial post‐war politicians, who aroused very strong emotions in the electorate, ranging from great support to condemnation. During his political career Strauβ had tremendous power and influence. As the tenth anniversay of his death approaches, this article sets out to assess his contribution to both Bavarian and German politics. Did he represent a transitory phenomenon or did he leave behind a lasting legacy? 相似文献
944.
James Arthur 《Education & the Law》2008,20(4):337-349
This article examines the nature and scope of the legal challenges mounted against religious symbolism in European public schools. It discusses religion in education and the relationship between Church and State in European societies. The European Court is defining what counts as a religious symbol through a secular lens and while the court upholds the right to hold a religious belief it qualifies this right to manifest belief in public. This article argues that the courts should be more accommodating in their approach towards the public manifestation of religious beliefs and traditions. 相似文献
945.
James Sheptycki 《Asian Journal of Criminology》2008,3(1):13-35
The paper begins with the question: how applicable are European and North American criminological theories to the situation in Asia? It takes a transnational and comparative perspective in relating contemporary and historical trends in crime, crime definition and crime control in a variety of Asian countries that comprise the so-called Confucian sphere. It provides a criminological critique of the ‘Asian values debate’ and, through an analysis of trends in crime, crime definition and crime control in China and Japan, of organised crime across the region, as well as selected examples of state-organised crime, seeks to provide a perspective on the developing criminological discourses of ‘the Orient’. The paper argues that, although cultural aspects are important and interesting in understanding the crime situation in the region, ultimately it is changes in politics and governance, economy and society that are most efficacious in explaining current criminological trends and developments. 相似文献
946.
947.
James Young 《Journal of law and society》1999,26(1):27-37
The Human Rights Act is the result of post-war changes in Europe. It is the consequence less of the campaigning of dedicated individuals and more of the change in the position of the United Kingdom in Europe and the world. Objections to incorporation of the Convention have given way to the desire to be like the rest of Europe. Traditional views of the judicial role have given way to a perception of the judiciary as the last bastion against an over-powerful executive, unchecked by Parliament. 相似文献
948.
949.
Abstract. A new style of averment reappraisal is described in this two-part paper. The first part deals with the way in which the Ontario Government structured this reapraisal using a combination of government and non-government people to establish an effective change agent. The second part details the key elements of the new structure at both the cabinet and ministry levels, including the new Policy and Priorities Board of Cabinet, the three policy field committees of cabinet, a new kind of minister with no administrative responsibilities, their respective support staffs, and the role of the treasurer. The paper then outlines the progress made to date to implement the recommendations and some observations for those who might be contemplating a similar study of government management. Interim reports, regular meetings with cabinet, a leadership convention, and a provincial election all aided in achieving what Premier William G. Davis has referred to as ‘the most comprehensive restructuring of Government in this country.’ Sommaire. Dans cette communication en deux parties, l'auteur décrit un nouveau mode de réévaluation gouvernementale. Dans la première partie, il explique comment son government a structurté cette réévaluation en se servant d'une combination de personnel governmental et de gens de l'extérieur pour créer un agent de hangmen efficace. Dans la deuxième partie, il expose en détail les éléments clés de la nouvelle structure au niveau du cabinet et des ministères, y compris le nouveau conseil de cabinet sur les politiques et les priorités, les trois comités des secteurs de politiques, un nouveau genre de ministre sans responsabilités administratives, leur personnel respectd et le rôle du trésorier. Il rapporte ensuite les progrès réalisés jursqu'ici dans Papplication des recommandations et fait quelques observations à I'intention de ceux qui envisageraient une étude semblable de leur gestion gouvernementale. Des rapports intérimaires, des réunions régulières du cabinet, un congrès de chefferie et une élection provinciale, tout cela a contribuéà ce que le premier ministre William G. Davis a appelé“la restructuration gouvernementale la plus complète jamais effectuée dans ce pays”. 相似文献
950.
James Shields 《政治学》2010,30(1):61-69
There is a comforting consensus among political commentators that the 2007 presidential election marked the end of Jean-Marie Le Pen as a force in French politics. The shock election of the Front National leader to the presidential run-off in 2002, by contrast, is explained as a surge in the Le Pen vote specific to the prevailing electoral conditions. This article challenges that interpretation of both elections. It shows that, despite Le Pen's unforeseen success in 2002, there was no surge of support for him, and that despite Le Pen's supposed collapse in 2007, he won close to 4 million votes while popular agreement with his ideas rose to its highest recorded level. The article concludes that Le Pen remains a powerful presence in French politics and that his supporters continue to constitute a large and highly influential constituency. 相似文献