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101.
102.
Matt McDonald 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2013,72(2):171-184
This paper explores the content of the Australian foreign and defence policy agenda over the past 50 years, finding evidence of both continuity and change. Australian political leaders have generally committed to cooperation with international institutions, wealth creation through engagement with Asian economies in particular, and security through the American alliance. In this period, changes in foreign policy approach either concerned marginal issues or were driven significantly by exogenous factors: by changes in the international environment or by global events that propelled a reconsideration of Australian foreign and defence policy interests. However, periods of policy change and significant public attention in – particular around the Vietnam and Iraq wars – illustrate the continued relevance of political choices and agency. Both conflicts and debates around them ushered in changing foreign and defence policy considerations, and both raised fundamental questions about Australian security and independence in the context of the American alliance. 相似文献
103.
We compare results of several large‐scale survey studies of whistle‐blowing by public sector employees, from samples in Australia, Norway, and the United States. Specifically, we review incidence rates of wrongdoing, whistle‐blowing and retaliation, as perceived by thousands of respondents employed by many government agencies in these countries. Despite differences in measurement in the studies and variation in results, findings suggest that wrongdoing was quite frequently observed and was reported in many cases. Retaliation resulted for far fewer than half of the whistle‐blowers, in all three nations. We also compare findings from the various studies concerning variables that predicted retaliation against whistle‐blowers in the different samples. Differences in results across the three countries add to existing evidence that country and workplace cultures can affect the whistle‐blowing process. 相似文献
104.
This introduction reviews the contributions this collection of articles makes to understanding migration, social reproduction and social protection. Migration necessarily involves reconfigurations of family relations and these entail changes in the patterning of social (in)security. Our expansive interpretation of the concepts of social reproduction and social protection situate the reorganisation of gendered family lives as integral to the migration–development nexus. Life-course thinking informs analysis of how migrants ‘do family’ and what this means for gender, identity and (in)security. The collection explores how ‘care deficits’ are managed, both discursively through the negotiation of gendered ideologies about gender identity and the family, and through the everyday practice of social reproduction. The resulting reorganisation of social security involves taking on new risks and vulnerabilities for migrants and their families. For both internal and international migrants the challenges involved in securing social reproduction are powerfully shaped by welfare and migratory regimes and raise important questions about the relationship between social protection and broader social policy and citizenship issues. 相似文献
105.
Jody Brook Yueqi Yan Margaret H. Lloyd Thomas P. McDonald 《Journal of public child welfare》2014,8(3):239-259
Parental substance abuse is a major factor in families experiencing foster care placement, yet little is known about the potential of screening in determining risk or identifying subpopulations for which elevated risk occurs. One Midwestern state recently implemented screening. This research uses information gathered as part of the screen's implementation to conduct a latent class analysis. The research was extended to provide a detailed examination of differences in child and family characteristics across classes, and to compare the screen results with caseworker impressions. Three distinct typologies emerged, with the high-risk and moderate-risk designations comprising only one quarter of the cases. 相似文献
106.
Previous analyses of Australian samples have suggested that populations of the same broad racial group (Caucasian, Asian, Aboriginal) tend to be genetically similar across states. This suggests that a single national Australian database for each such group may be feasible, which would greatly facilitate casework. We have investigated samples drawn from each of these groups in different Australian states, and have quantified the genetic homogeneity across states within each racial group in terms of the "coancestry coefficient" F(ST). In accord with earlier results, we find that F(ST) values, as estimated from these data, are very small for Caucasians and Asians, usually <0.5%. We find that "declared" Aborigines (which includes many with partly Aboriginal genetic heritage) are also genetically similar across states, although they display some differentiation from a "pure" Aboriginal population (almost entirely of Aboriginal genetic heritage). 相似文献
107.
Jason B. West Ph.D. Janet M. Hurley M.S. James R. Ehleringer Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(1):84-89
Abstract: There remains significant uncertainty in illicit marijuana cultivation. We analyzed the δ13C and δ15N of 508 domestic samples from known U.S.A. counties, 31 seized from a single location, 5 samples grown in Mexico and Colombia, and 10 northwest border seizures. For a subset, inflorescences and leaves were analyzed separately. These data revealed a strong correspondence, with inflorescences having slightly higher δ13C and δ15N values than leaves. A framework for interpreting these results is introduced and evaluated. Samples identified as outdoor‐grown by δ13C were generally recorded as such by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). DEA‐classified indoor‐grown samples had the most negative δ13C values, consistent with indoor cultivation, although many were also in the outdoor‐grown domain. δ15N indicated a wide range of fertilizers across the dataset. Samples seized at the single location suggested multiple sources. Northwest border δ13C values suggested indoor growth, whereas for the Mexican and Colombian samples they indicated outdoor growth. 相似文献
108.
The psychometric properties and structure of the Cluster B Personality Disorder criteria (Antisocial, Borderline, Histrionic, and Narcissistic) are examined in a sample of 261 female inmates using a self-report screen followed by a full diagnostic interview. The results of the structural analyses in this sample demonstrated good internal consistency and convergence, but poor discriminant validity between disorders. An exploratory factor analysis found that the structure of these disorders was best accounted for by a four-factor solution that paralleled the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV-TR; APA, 2000) classification scheme with some significant and notable exceptions. Using the factor scores generated from the factor analysis, the personality profiles of the women were compared with several behavioral indices, including instant offense, institutional infractions, and self-report violence and victimization within the prison. Of particular importance was the consistent relationship observed between narcissistic personality traits and threatening and violent behavior within the prison combined with the impulsive but less malignant presentation of antisocial personality traits among this sample of women. Results are discussed as they inform our understanding of the structural integrity of the four Cluster B diagnostic categories and the relationship of these personality disorders to different types of criminality and violence. 相似文献
109.
Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier Benjamin W. Campbell Andrew W. Podob Seth J. Walker 《American journal of political science》2020,64(4):1017-1033
Central to the study of Congress is the study of relationships among members. Electoral collaboration is a function of a member's position in the broader congressional power network. It allows members to leverage their campaign resources to achieve the four classic goals of members of Congress: reelection, making good public policy, obtaining power within the institution, and having one's party in the majority. Using nearly 3.2 million FEC records from 2010 to 2016, we explore the dynamics that influence electoral collaboration. We find members are most likely to collaborate electorally with other members from the same state, party, and committee, and the most electorally vulnerable. Further, party leaders share most frequently with the rank and file. These findings build upon our expanding understanding of congressional collaboration, the networks members of Congress form, and the congressional power structure members operate within. 相似文献
110.