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D R Jason 《Journal of forensic sciences》1992,37(5):1418-1421
A markedly hypertensive, 70-year-old, black man had been on captopril for 2 years when he rapidly developed obstructive angioedema. The initial sign of difficulty in understanding his speech progressed to severe laryngeal and glossal edema over a 3 1/2 h period. His airway became obstructed less than a minute after arrival at the emergency room. Oral intubation was unsuccessful, and a difficult tracheostomy was too late to save the patient. The death was reported to the medical examiner because of its sudden and unusual nature. The risk of angioedema while on angiotensin converting enzyme inhibitor therapy has been noted previously in the clinical literature. Because of the sudden onset and possible confusion with an allergic reaction, this entity is brought to the attention of the forensic medical community. 相似文献
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This research investigates low religiosity as a predictor of violent victimization. The theoretical framework the authors present here posits that religiosity should help structure daily activities in such a way as to (a) limit exposure to offenders by encouraging contact with peers who are less deviant, (b) lessen one's target suitability by inhibiting grievance-causing delinquent activity, and (c) enhance guardianship by fostering stronger bonds with parents and school. Thus, although researchers expect religion to be a bivariate predictor of violent victimization, its influence should be indirect. The authors investigate these claims using two waves from the public-use version of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). The results indicate that religiosity is a correlate of violent victimization. Consistent with these theoretical claims, the effect of religiosity is not direct, but instead occurs indirectly primarily through its influence on self-reported delinquency and peer deviance. 相似文献
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In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
相似文献
Jason ReiflerEmail: |
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Thriving democracy requires an open exchange of disagreeing viewpoints. Yet disagreement may have a dark side. Recent research claims that people who experience disagreement in their informal political discussions are less likely to vote. This paper adds to a growing group of challenges to the notion of a ‘dark side’. It addresses the conventional wisdom from both a theoretical and practical viewpoint. I argue that disagreement in itself should not depress participation. Only those atypical respondents who encounter entirely disagreeing viewpoints are less likely to vote than those who encounter completely agreeing perspectives. People with mixed networks are equally likely to vote as those who face complete agreement. This paper tests the alternative theory against the conventional wisdom by returning to the dataset that first found evidence of the ‘dark side’. The evidence overwhelmingly supports the alternative theory. As a result, this study helps to mitigate concerns about the negative effects of disagreement and supports a network-centric approach to political science. 相似文献
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Jason C. Coronel Melissa C. Duff David E. Warren Kara D. Federmeier Brian D. Gonsalves Daniel Tranel Neal J. Cohen 《American journal of political science》2012,56(4):837-848
One of the most prominent claims to emerge from the field of public opinion is that citizens can vote for candidates whose issue positions best reflect their own beliefs even when they cannot remember previously learned stances associated with the candidates. The current experiment provides a unique and powerful examination of this claim by determining whether individuals with profound amnesia, whose severe memory impairments prevent them from remembering specific issue information associated with any particular candidate, can vote for candidates whose issue positions come closest to their own political views. We report here that amnesic patients, despite not being able to remember any issue information, consistently voted for candidates with favored political positions. Thus, sound voting decisions do not require recall or recognition of previously learned associations between candidates and their issue positions. This result supports a multiple memory systems model of political decision making. 相似文献
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The economy was a major issue in Germany’s 2009 election. The global economic crisis did not spare Germany, whose economy is tightly integrated into the global economy. So when the German economy experienced a historical shock, did voters connect their views of the economy with their vote choice? Or did they, as some research has suggested, recognize Germany’s dependence on global markets and cut the government slack, especially when the government consists of the country’s two major parties? Using pre- and post-election panel surveys from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we investigate the weight that voters gave to the economy, relative to other considerations, when casting their ballot and whether governing parties were disproportionately judged based on the state of the economy. 相似文献
60.
Sentencing juvenile offenders to life in prison is the most severe criminal penalty available, yet we know little about the factors that produce jurisdictional differences in the use of such sanctions. Political explanations emphasize conservative values and the strength of more conservative political parties. Threat accounts suggest that this sentence will be more likely in jurisdictions with larger minority populations. After controlling for many explanations using count models, the results show that larger numbers of juvenile life sentences are handed out in more politically conservative states with a stronger Republican Party. Findings also show that racial politics is a factor in juvenile life sentences. Those jurisdictions that have the most blacks and have judicial elections sentence the most juveniles to life terms. By highlighting the explanatory power of public ideologies, these findings support political explanations for the harshest criminal punishment directed towards juveniles. 相似文献