State Project Europe: The Transformation of the European Border Regime and the Production of Bare Life

Giorgio Agamben refers to a basic problem in the constitution of the modern nation state: the state as a nation implies that "bare life" becomes the foundation of sovereignty. With the loss of their citizenship, refugees lose not only all their rights, but more fundamentally the "right to have rights" (Arendt). This dilemma of modern statehood does not vanish under conditions of European integration; it is rather re-scaled. Applying a state-theoretical approach to the European border regime, we will concentrate on the two main techniques by which the EU produces "bare life": the "camp" and the invisible "police state." It will become apparent that the institutionalization of "the right of every human being to belong to mankind" is still lacking. Yet, in contrast to Agamben, we do not trace this constellation back to the collapse of the concept of human rights, but to hegemonies and power relations.     

Radical Right Populism in Sweden: Still a Failure,But for How Long?

Although radical right populist (RRP) parties were successful elsewhere in Western Europe during the 1990s, Denmark and Norway included, the Swedish RRP parties have been more or less failures. Besides the short-lived party New Democracy, which disappeared in 1994, no Swedish RRP party has managed to escape electoral marginalization. The main purpose of this article is to explain this failure. Such an explanation is approached by using explanatory factors identified from earlier research on RRP parties elsewhere. We find some factors that have worked against the emergence of a strong Swedish RRP party, namely: enduring class loyalties, especially for working-class voters; an enduring high salience of the economic cleavage dimension (and a corresponding low salience of the sociocultural cleavage dimension); a relatively low salience of the immigration issue; and finally, a low degree of convergence between the established parties in political space. However, we also find some important indicators that there may be an available niche for the emergence of a Swedish RRP party in the near future, namely: widespread popular xenophobia; a high level of discontent with political parties and other political institutions; and a potential available niche for an anti-EU party of the right. Hence, this article concludes that if a sufficiently attractive party emerges in Sweden, with a certain degree of strategic sophistication and without too visible an anti-democratic heresy, it might be able to attract enough voters to secure representation in the Swedish parliament.     

Rinderwahnsinn. Können Gesellschaften aus Krisen lernen?

Bovine Spongiforme Enzephalopathie, kurz BSE, ist ein Kulminationspunkt einer Reihe sozialer Krisen: BSE ist Symbol für die Krise der Natur, die Krise des Gewissheitsanspruches der Wissenschaften, die Krise der Verwaltungen oder der Agro- und Fleischindustrie. Die BSE-Krise fordert die institutionelle Landschaft moderner Gesellschaften auf besondere Weise heraus. Aber augenscheinlich fällt es Verwaltungen und Regierungen oder einzelnen sub-politischen Akteuren wie Organisationen und Expertengemeinschaften schwer, auf das komplexe Problem zu reagieren. Die Pluralisierung von Wissensansprüchen, -ressourcen und Werthaltungen, aber auch die Zunahme von Ungewissheit und Nicht-Wissen erschweren die Chancen für eine Konvergenz der Problemsichten und die gemeinsame Organisation von Ma\nahmen zur Problemlösung. Vor diesem Hintergrund stellt sich die Frage, inwiefern Gesellschaften überhaupt aus solchen Krisen ?lernen“ können. Die jüngere modemisierungstheoretische Diskussion setzt ihre Hoffnungen dabei auf die Lerneffekte von Netzwerken wie Epistemic Communities, Advocacy- oder Diskurskoalitionen, die die kollektiven Lernchancen quer zu den üblichen Disziplin-, Organisations- und Institutionsgrenzen denken. Der folgende Beitrag versucht über diese Ansätze hinauszugehen. Dabei wird deutlich, dass die Chancen kollektiven Lernens nicht nur von den akteursspezifischen und institutionellen Problemnarrationen abhängen, sondern auch von den institutionellen Kontexten und Verfahren, durch die das Lernen des Lernens organisiert wird. Ob sich durch das Zusammenspiel von Problemnarrationen und interorganisatorischer wie interinstitutioneller Kommunikation die Lernfähigkeit in den unterschiedlichen institutionellen Feldern erhöhen lässt oder sich die Wahrscheinlichkeit ihrer Blockierung erhöht, ist eine brennende Frage.     

An auction market for journal articles

We recommend that an auction market replace the current system for submitting academic papers and show a strict Pareto-improvement in equilibrium. Besides the benefit of speed, this mechanism increases the average quality of articles and journals and rewards editors and referees for their effort. The “academic dollar” proceeds from papers sold at auction go to authors, editors and referees of cited articles. This nonpecuniary income indicates the academic impact of an article—facilitating decisions on tenure and promotion. This auction market does not require more work of editors.     

The limits of proceduralism: Critical remarks on the rise of ‘throughput legitimacy’

‘Throughput legitimacy’ is among the most successful conceptual innovations that scholars of public policy and administration have produced in recent years. I argue that this new understanding of legitimacy needs to be seen in the context of an increasing proceduralism in political science and public administration. Throughput legitimacy attracted so much attention because it is the perfect normative companion to the analytical concept of governance. Governance is procedure, and throughput legitimacy tells us what good procedures are. In my critical discussion of this innovation I examine the analytical value of the concept, as well as its normative and practical implications. I argue that, regarding concept formation, throughput legitimacy may enrich existing typologies of legitimacy but at the same time has a severe problem of fuzzy borders. Politically, throughput legitimacy lends itself to apologetic uses when it is applied as a tailor‐made normative standard for technocratic, non‐majoritarian institutions.     

Isomorphic Forces and Professional Soccer Standardizations: Instruments of Governance for Municipal Investments?

This article aims to explain why Danish municipalities usually choose to comply with stadium requirements from the Danish Soccer Association (DBU) even though, in most cases, they do not have the supporter base that could fill the renovated or new stadiums to their capacities. Using institutional theory as a theoretical framework, the article shows that coercive forms of isomorphism are part of the homogenization process leading to the municipalities’ compliance. It also suggests that mimetic forms of isomorphism are present in the sense that municipalities believe that if they comply with these requirements they will strengthen the conditions of their local clubs. In turn, they have encouraged other municipalities to follow suit. In sum, the analysis shows that the central form of governance through standardizations together with isomorphic forces have contributed to a uniformity among the municipalities.     

Explaining subnational parliamentary scrutiny powers: A fuzzy-set analysis of German Landtage

While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage.