性骚扰的民法救济

性骚扰是当前突出的社会问题之一,法律应当对其有所关注.从民法的角度看,性骚扰侵犯受害者的一般人格权,侵害人应当承担侵权责任,受害人应该获得损害赔偿,尤其是精神损害赔偿.     

不当得利行为能否构成侵占罪

不当得利构成民法上的债的侵权,是一种具有非法性的民事行为.当不当得利行为人占有他人财物且数额较大拒不返还时,能否按照侵占罪追究行为人的刑事责任,这是自1997年刑法修订以来一直困扰我国司法界和法学界的一个复杂问题.实践中因不当得利而发生"侵占"的情况多种多样,拒不返还不当得利财物的现象已构成了对社会的严重危害,迫切需要对此进行刑事化剖析.本文结合民法原理和犯罪构成对不当得利行为的非法性、罪责性及学者的不同观点进行具体分析,以客观、合理地认定不当得利与侵占罪的关系.     

On the Nature of Tolerance: Dichotomous or Continuous?*

The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical work on political tolerance and intolerance. * I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper.     

情境犯罪预防的原理与实践

情境预防的理论根基包括三个方面 :理性选择理论、日常活动理论、环境犯罪学理论。情境预防的基本措施包括五个方面 :提高犯罪难度、提高犯罪风险、降低犯罪回报、减少犯罪刺激、排除犯罪借口。借鉴这一理论与实践措施 ,对我国犯罪预防有积极的意义     

经济与伦理关系研究综述

经济与伦理的关系问题作为经济伦理学得以存在的基本问题,在我国经济学界与伦理学引发了激烈争论和深入探讨,并在国内形成了如二律背反说,内在相关说、对立统一说等一些观点。对经济与伦理关系的多维度探讨,有助于建立经济伦理学的理论前提与思维平台,并对社会主义市场经济的全面健康发展有着重大的理论与现实意义。     

Economic Threats or Societal Turmoil? Understanding Preferences for Authoritarian Political Systems

Why do some individuals prefer to be governed in an authoritarian political system? One intuitive answer is that citizens prefer authoritarian rule when the economy and society are in turmoil. These are common explanations for democratic backsliding, and the emergence and success of authoritarian leaders in the twentieth century. Which of these explanations better explains preferences for authoritarian rule? Both types of threat coincide in small samples and high-profile cases, creating inferential problems. I address this by using three waves of World Values Survey data to look at individual-level preferences for different forms of authoritarian government. Using multiple macroeconomic and societal indicators, I find that economic threats, especially increasing income inequality, better explain preferences for authoritarian government. I conclude with implications for understanding the emergence of support for authoritarianism in fledgling democracies.