Shaping the European External Action Service and its post-Lisbon crisis management structures: an assessment of the EU High Representatives’ political leadership

ABSTRACT

This article assesses the role, influence and core aspects of the EU High Representatives’ (HR/VPs) “political leadership” in the context of their efforts to advance the institutionalisation of the EEAS and its crisis management structures in the post-Lisbon era. By combining analytical lenses from the literature on “European political leadership”, foreign policy analysis (FPA) and political psychology with insights from a wide range of semi-structured interviews and primary sources, the article analyses how the leadership approaches of Catherine Ashton and Federica Mogherini were influenced by core aspects, such as institutional setting, situational factors and “personal qualities”. By examining how both HR/VPs and their chosen advisors sought to shape the EU’s EEAS and crisis management institutions, scholars can gain important insights about how “personal qualities” and prior foreign policy experience can influence the HR/VPs strategic choices and their impact within and across the EEAS. Finally, the article considers the differing effects between “maverick” and “orthodox” leadership and approaches and concludes that whilst outside perspectives can bring fresh ideas and institutional innovations, they will fail to be of lasting significance and permanence if not accompanied by sufficient support from the dominant foreign and security policy conventions.     

Severe Sexual Sadism—An Underdiagnosed Disorder? Evidence from a Sample of Forensic Inpatients

Abstract:  Severe sexual sadism is a disorder of sexual preference that focuses on humiliation and subjugation of the victim, sometimes causing grievous injury or death. Sexual sadists pose a particular risk. However, the diagnosis as such is unreliable and prevalence estimates vary. In a sample of male high-security forensic inpatients who had committed sexual offenses, we found two-thirds of sexual sadists had not been identified as such prior to commitment. Possible reasons for missing the diagnosis are many fold. Present data support the notion that unrecognized sexual sadists more closely resembled non-sadistic sex offenders than accurately diagnosed sadists. In particular, initially unrecognized sexual sadists had less severe previous convictions, less vocational training, and experienced a less supportive upbringing than their correctly identified sadistic counterparts. The latter, in contrast, more often reached media coverage through their offense(s). We conclude that severe sexual sadism is likely an underdiagnosed, yet forensically highly relevant disorder.     

The Strange Phenomenon of Surplus Seats in the German Electoral System

So-called ‘surplus seats’ are peculiar to the German electoral system. Several factors are responsible for the emergence of such seats, including differences in turnout, malapportionment, split-ticket voting and the party system structure. In this article, I develop a single, formal model of the emergence of surplus seats that integrates all of these factors. This model includes the most significant interactions between these factors, for the emergence of surplus seats is a complex process that can only be explained satisfactorily if we account for these interactions.     

Anhang zu „Ein integrales Modell der Ursachen von Überhangmandaten“

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Civil society and the European common security and defence policy

The involvement of civil society organizations (CSOs) is widely regarded by students of the EU's domestic policy fields as enhancing transparency and accountability and, more generally, the democratic quality of political processes. This article explores the contribution of CSOs to the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy and assesses whether a democracy-enhancing effect of their involvement can also be demonstrated for this policy field. We analyse the contribution of CSOs based on two common models of democracy: the intergovernmental and the supranational model of democracy. We find that CSOs are indeed quite actively involved in the EU's security policy. With regard to their democracy-enhancing effects, however, our findings are rather mixed. While the engagement of CSOs does provide a remedy for the democratic deficits associated with intergovernmental decision-making, these organizations do not fully meet the demands posed by supranational governance.     

An Application of Unconditional Quantile Regression to Cigarette Taxes

This study investigates heterogeneous response to state cigarette tax increases using unconditional quantile regression (UQR). We make two contributions to the empirical policy analysis literature. First, we argue that UQR provides more policy‐relevant information than conventional quantile regression in most empirical state policy analyses. Second, we document cigarette tax elasticity across a sample of adult smokers in the Current Population Survey Tobacco Use Supplements between 1992 and 2011. Our ordinary least squares regression show an imprecise negative relationship between taxes and cigarettes smoked in the past 30 days, while UQR reveals a U‐shaped relationship: Only moderate smokers reduce their smoking following a cigarette tax increase, and the magnitude of the effect is small. A $1.00 (135 percent) increase in the cigarette tax leads to a 3.5 percent reduction in the number of cigarettes smoked in the past 30 days among the most responsive smokers (implied tax elasticity = ?0.03).     

Conceptualizing and evaluating (new) forms of citizenship between nationalism and cosmopolitanism

In an age of transnational flows and interdependencies, democratic citizenship can no longer be conceptualized exclusively within national boundaries. This paper presents a conceptual map that allows tracing emerging and proposed forms of citizenship within and beyond the nation state in a comprehensive and differentiated way. We disentangle two anchor points: membership in a political community as the fundament of citizenship and the arena of political decision-making as the focal point of citizenship rights, identities and practices. For the former we differentiate between a single national community, the universal community of humankind and multiple (national) communities. For the latter we distinguish the national, supra-national and transnational arena. Our typology thus consists of nine different forms of democratic citizenship. It is used to provide a brief overview over normative proposals and empirical findings leading to the following insights: while membership in a particular national community still dominates the reality in all three political arenas, in the normative discourse it is perceived as deficient. Membership in the universal community of humankind is widely endorsed in the normative discourse, but almost nonexistent. In contrast, membership in multiple communities is not only a growing reality but also normatively promising for democratizing a transnationalizing world.