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排序方式: 共有243条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Contreras Antonio P. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(2):179-193
In the domain of environmental security, it appears that a strong civil society, one with strong social ingenuity and social capital, is a necessary condition not only for environmental security, but also for regional security in general. This paper will argue that in the context of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), much can be learned from the empirical experiences of Thailand and the Philippines that have established records of accomplishment in civil society participation in forest governance. Also discussed is the possible role of epistemic communities both within these countries as well as across countries in the ASEAN in harnessing institutions of knowledge to influence domestic and regional governance of forest resources. 相似文献
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Despite ample anecdotal evidence, previous research on violent conflict has found little evidence that religion is an important factor in organized violence. Quantitative work in this area has been largely confined to the interreligious character of conflict and measures of religious diversity, and has strongly neglected the peace aspect of religion. The Religion and Conflict in Developing Countries (RCDC) dataset helps to fill this gap with innovative and fine-grained data for 130 developing countries between 1990 and 2010. RCDC includes four types of religious violence (assaults on religious targets, attacks by religious actors, clashes between religious communities, and clashes with the state). In addition, RCDC contains data on interreligious networks and peace initiatives. This article demonstrates the usefulness of RCDC by applying our data to a preliminary analysis. The results indicate that interreligious networks are a reaction to identity overlaps and previous interreligious conflict. 相似文献
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Euroscepticism is associated with a new cleavage between the ‘losers’ and the ‘winners’ of globalisation. Current research also indicates that right-wing extremist, racist, and anti-democratic attitudes are more prevalent in lower status groups, particularly those struggling with societal change. These findings are combined with a unique data set covering both topics and thus add to the growing literature on Euroscepticism while also exploring the divide between the ‘losers’ and ‘winners’ of modernisation processes. The article introduces categories of occupational status groups, namely the ‘engaged’, the ‘skilled workers’, and the ‘legworkers’, which represent different levels of involvement in modernisation processes. It explores the differences in attitudes between these groups and how those differences correlate with citizens' professional status. It is concluded that perceived subjective alienation, which manifests in racist and anti-democratic attitudes, best explains EU-scepticism. 相似文献
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Patterns of suicidal behavior vary among cultures and along gender. Young Hindustani immigrant women attempt suicide four times more often than young Dutch women. This article explores multi-disciplinary explanations for suicidal behavior in this group. The interconnection of Durkheimian concepts of social integration and regulation with ecological insights into family relations and psychological and psychiatric theories on individual distress are relevant. It is suggested that young Hindustani women who display suicidal behavior possess certain personality and cognitive constellations that are interlocked with specific parenting styles in stressful family environments. These families are embedded in a context of moral transformations resulting from migration to a Western culture and may be facing difficulties accompanying the transitional processes encountered in the West, particularly those regarding gender roles. Durkheimian fatalistic and anomic suicides elucidate this. The Hindustani women who appear most at risk are those facing contradictory norms and overregulation, which prevent them from developing autonomy. 相似文献
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H Fremdt K Szpila J Huijbregts A Lindström R Zehner J Amendt 《Forensic science international》2012,222(1-3):335-339
In Europe, the blowfly genus Lucilia is represented in Forensic Entomology mainly by the species L. ampullacea, L. caesar, L. illustris and L. sericata. In the US, Lucilia silvarum is rarely recorded as a carrion breeding species but usually as a more or less exclusive parasite of frogs and toads. We present three forensic cases from different European countries reporting, for the first time, L. silvarum on human bodies that were found close to lakes, wetlands, or riversides. To use this species for post-mortem interval estimations, thermal development data is needed. The first step is accurate identification by morphological and molecular means. Therefore, we analysed a 611bp part of the mitochondrial COI region for 23 specimens of L. silvarum from 9 different geographical regions, all of which give the same haplotype. Differences within the haplotype varied by up to 0.2%. Comparison between the haplotype found and those published on GenBank showed up to 1.2% variance. Moreover, we present an updated key for the morphological identification of the third larval instars of European Lucilia spp. of forensic importance, adding not only L. silvarum, but also L. cuprina which was recorded in Europe for the first time about 20 years ago. 相似文献
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Stephen Chaudoin David Thomas Smith Johannes Urpelainen 《The Review of International Organizations》2014,9(4):441-469
Because a significant portion of the American electorate identify themselves as evangelical Christians, the evangelical position on climate policy is important to determining the role the United States could play in global climate cooperation. Do evangelicals oppose all climate policies, or are they particularly opposed to certain types of policies? We argue that American evangelicals oppose climate policy due to their distrust of international cooperation and institutions, which has been a prominent feature of evangelical politics since the beginning of the Cold War. Using data from the 2011 Faith and Global Policy Challenges survey and the 2010 Chicago Council Global View survey, we find support for the theory. Evangelicals are equally likely to support domestic climate policy as other Americans, but they are significantly less likely to support international treaties on climate cooperation. The findings suggest that proponents of climate policy could win more evangelicals to their side by focusing on domestic action, instead of multilateral negotiations or international institutions. 相似文献
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