全文获取类型
收费全文 | 236篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 11篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 13篇 |
外交国际关系 | 29篇 |
法律 | 120篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 67篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 11篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 9篇 |
2017年 | 13篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 37篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 11篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2004年 | 8篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有243条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
Johannes Urpelainen 《The Review of International Organizations》2010,5(4):475-496
Market instruments, such as emissions trading or pollution taxes, are less costly than “command and control” regulation. Yet
technological standards are common in international environmental agreements and now figure prominently among proposals to
mitigate global warming. I show that technological standards can be combined with market instruments to create collective
enforcement power. They allow states to internationally enforce technology installation, so the payoff to free riding decreases.
A notable feature of the argument is that technological standards and market instruments are complements, while previous research
has treated them as substitutes. Empirically, technological standards are most valuable if international cooperation is difficult
to enforce and the rate of technological change in concerned industries is slow. 相似文献
32.
Korhonen Veijo Laukkanen Eila Peiponen Sirkka Lehtonen Johannes Viinamäki Heimo 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2001,30(6):697-706
We investigated the specific impact of major depressive disorder (MDD) on the self-image of adolescent boys and girls seeking outpatient treatment. We used the Offer Self-Image Questionnaire (OSIQ) to compare 68 adolescents with MDD and 39 adolescents with no diagnosis of psychiatric illness according to the Structural Clinical Interview for DSM-III-R (SCID). Self-image among MDD patients was in general poorer than in the comparison group and was particularly expressed as dissatisfaction with life and an impaired mastery of the environment. Logistic regression analysis showed S2 (Emotional Tone) to be an independent factor associated with MDD (OR 1.15). In girls S2 was also independently associated with MDD (OR 1.14). The effect of MDD on self-image was more negative in girls than in boys and the self-image pattern differed between the sexes. 相似文献
33.
Johannes Urpelainen 《政策研究评论》2011,28(5):423-450
International technology cooperation promises to help countries exploit the potential of new innovations, but commercial rivalry between companies and governments raises obstacles to it. In this article, I present and solve a model of international technology cooperation. The formal analysis shows that a technology agreement must address two issues. First, governments must be able to induce companies to innovate. Second, governments must credibly commit to penalizing companies for failing to share new information produced through research. Based on these observations, I show that the potential for technology cooperation is maximized in symmetric settings between equally capable governments and companies. In practice, this observation warrants a policy focus on countries and industries that are already on a level playing ground. I also consider extensions to multinational companies and adverse selection problems. The formal analysis provides a solid foundation for practical policy implementation. 相似文献
34.
Pesticides overuse is a serious threat to ecosystems and wildlife, human health, and agricultural sustainability. So far, however, social scientists have not produced systematic evidence on the political–economic determinants of pesticides overuse. We argue that the agrochemical industry, as a profit‐motivated interest group, will only mobilize politically to avoid reductions in pesticides use when regulatory institutions are potentially capable of correcting a market failure. If regulatory institutions are weakened by corruption or other factors, pesticides overuse occurs with or without the influence of the agrochemical industry. We test this interactive theory systematically against quantitative data on pesticides use in 24 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development countries, 1991–2003. Using corruption and other indicators to capture bureaucratic quality, we find substantively large and statistically robust interactive effects. The agrochemical industry is a crucial determinant of pesticides use in nations with low corruption, whereas the agrochemical industry has no effect on pesticides use under corrupt regulatory institutions. Troublingly, these results imply that reduced corruption may not improve actual regulatory effectiveness unless political institutions can somehow constrain the influence of special interests. 相似文献
35.
36.
A model of dynamic climate governance: dream big, win small 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Johannes Urpelainen 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2013,13(2):107-125
In this article, I develop and evaluate a model of dynamic climate governance. The model is based on the premise that global warming is such a complex problem that present political realities do not allow an immediate solution to it. I propose that current mitigation activities should focus on building technological and political transformation potential to enable more ambitious climate cooperation in the future. Successful international climate cooperation could comprise a series of politically feasible “small wins” guided by a “big dream” of a comprehensive future climate regime. The analysis contributes to the emerging literature on the dynamics of climate governance by showing how coherence between multiple independent climate policies can be achieved, both across policymakers and over time. To illustrate how the model can be used, I apply it to technology agreements and North–South climate finance. 相似文献
37.
The funding of global public goods, such as climate mitigation, presents a complex strategic problem. Potential recipients demand side payments for implementing projects that furnish global public goods, and donors can cooperate to provide the funding. We offer a game‐theoretic analysis of this problem. In our model, a recipient demands project funding. Donors can form a multilateral program to jointly fund the project. If no program is formed, bilateral funding remains a possibility. We find that donors rely on multilateralism if their preferences are relatively symmetric and domestic political constraints on funding are lax. In this case, the recipient secures large rents from project implementation. Thus, even donors with strong interests in global public good provision have incentives to oppose institutional arrangements that promote multilateral funding. These incentives have played an important role in multilateral negotiations on climate finance, especially in Cancun (2010) and Durban (2011). 相似文献
38.
39.
This article asks if, when, and why different groups of voters behave differently in the wake of economic downturns. We examine two Swedish elections (1994 and 2010) that were held just after two deep recessions (the financial crisis of 1991–1993 and the 2008–2009 Great Recession). We find that group differences were much larger in 2010 than they were in 1994. After the 1991–1993 recession, the government's electoral support declined across the board. In 2010, there were large differences between voters with low economic status (who were unlikely to support the government) and voters with high economic status (who were likely to do so). Our findings suggest that group differences in electoral behavior after an economic downturn depend on contextual differences across elections. We argue that future research should pay close attention to the magnitude of economic shocks, the development of asset prices (especially real estate), and changes in social policy. 相似文献
40.
Johannes R. Lombardo 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):134-153
This article is an examination of Hong Kong's importance within British‐American security arrangements in the Far East during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Archival evidence indicates that the Eisenhower Administration accepted a greater deal of commitment to the defence of Hong Kong during the 1950s — a period of significant hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China. To understand this policy evolution in the broader context, this study evaluates the differences in British and American attitudes towards China during the 1950s and the effect of this on US policy towards Hong Kong. 相似文献