全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2786篇 |
免费 | 106篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 168篇 |
工人农民 | 137篇 |
世界政治 | 279篇 |
外交国际关系 | 151篇 |
法律 | 1353篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 50篇 |
政治理论 | 728篇 |
综合类 | 25篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 19篇 |
2021年 | 17篇 |
2020年 | 39篇 |
2019年 | 58篇 |
2018年 | 86篇 |
2017年 | 99篇 |
2016年 | 99篇 |
2015年 | 57篇 |
2014年 | 98篇 |
2013年 | 432篇 |
2012年 | 82篇 |
2011年 | 100篇 |
2010年 | 61篇 |
2009年 | 72篇 |
2008年 | 100篇 |
2007年 | 93篇 |
2006年 | 86篇 |
2005年 | 88篇 |
2004年 | 99篇 |
2003年 | 88篇 |
2002年 | 67篇 |
2001年 | 67篇 |
2000年 | 70篇 |
1999年 | 47篇 |
1998年 | 38篇 |
1997年 | 35篇 |
1996年 | 24篇 |
1995年 | 27篇 |
1994年 | 39篇 |
1993年 | 30篇 |
1992年 | 32篇 |
1991年 | 40篇 |
1990年 | 38篇 |
1989年 | 34篇 |
1988年 | 35篇 |
1987年 | 32篇 |
1986年 | 20篇 |
1985年 | 34篇 |
1984年 | 24篇 |
1983年 | 27篇 |
1982年 | 25篇 |
1981年 | 13篇 |
1979年 | 24篇 |
1978年 | 19篇 |
1977年 | 13篇 |
1976年 | 20篇 |
1975年 | 19篇 |
1974年 | 17篇 |
1973年 | 17篇 |
1972年 | 18篇 |
排序方式: 共有2892条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
Clamon JB 《Annals of health law / Loyola University Chicago, School of Law, Institute for Health Law》2008,17(1):67-99, table of contents
This article, the second concerning the organ donation crisis, proposes the use of tax policy to encourage blood and organ donation. After critiquing the ethical and logistical problems posed by other commercial and non-commercial solutions, the author demonstrates how tax credits can be used as an effective and ethical solution to address the shortage of donors. The author also offers two model statutes that provide guidance as to how a nonrefundable tax credit for blood and organ donation might operate in the tax code. 相似文献
992.
993.
Frederick Wilmot‐Smith 《The Modern law review》2016,79(6):1116-1136
994.
995.
996.
Joseph J. Gonzalez 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2017,28(1):1-19
In 1898, the United States government took possession of Cuba. Rather than annexation, the William McKinley Administration chose to create a new nation-state. Cuba’s fate therefore was unlike that of the Philippines, waiting until after the Second World War for independence. It leads to a question: when it came to Cuba, why the choice of creating a nation rather than annexation? The short answer is that the Cubans would have resisted annexation by force. The longer—and more interesting—answer is that annexation became unnecessary: Over time, Cuba’s nationalist elite proved willing to co-operate with American interests, and McKinley’s Administration left Cuba in nationalist hands, provided those hands were bound by the Platt Amendment. Historians have argued that Cuban nationalists co-operated because of coercion. Whilst true, Cuba’s nationalists also saw value in a relationship with the United States. Therefore, Cuba’s new leaders resisted American demands in ways not only to preserve the good opinion of Washington, but to prove themselves capable of civilised self-government. 相似文献
997.
This exploratory investigation examines the influence of race, gender, and prior sexual victimization on attitudes and behaviors related to date rape from a large sample of college students (n = 3,084) in the United States. The results of this study indicate that gender was a salient factor, with males more likely to subscribe to undesirable attitudes toward date rape and to engage in behaviors that increase the risk of both men and women perpetrating date rape. Findings also indicate that racial differences exist in that black students were less likely to subscribe to undesirable attitudes and to engage in sexual behaviors that increase the risk of perpetrating date rape than were white students. Finally, the analyses found previous sexual victimization experiences unexpectedly increased undesirable attitudes toward and behaviors associated with date rape. Implications of the results are discussed. 相似文献
998.
999.
We examine the puzzling phenomenon that authoritarian governments are perceived to be more responsive than democratic governments. By comparing China and Taiwan by both large-N statistical analyses and in-depth case studies, we show that the answer lies in the differences between democratic and authoritarian institutions. First, failing to elect one’s preferred candidate in democracies predisposes voters to critical assessment of government responsiveness. There is no such predisposition in authoritarian countries where elections are nonexistent or nominal. Second, elections incentivize democratic leaders to over-respond to certain groups. There is no such mechanism in authoritarian countries. Third, the solid and clear legitimacy established by electoral victories shield democratic leaders from particularistic demands made through unconventional channels. Without such legitimacy, authoritarian leaders are compelled to cement legitimacy by increasing responsiveness. 相似文献
1000.