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121.
Stephanie T. Young Ph.D. Joshua R. Moore MS Clifton P. Bishop Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2018,63(2):511-516
We have developed a technique that allows investigators to confirm the presence of blood, semen, and/or saliva in a crime scene sample. It is a confirmatory test where multiple samples can be processed in less than an hour, and it is potentially portable, permitting samples to be processed at the crime scene. Samples at a scene giving a positive result can be further processed while those failing to do so may be ignored. There is a large and growing backlog of DNA evidence in the USA, slowing down the criminal justice system. This backlog has continued to grow despite an increase in the ability to process evidence faster. This technique uses quantum dot molecular beacons to test for tissue‐specific RNA species, identifying particular body fluids. We have demonstrated the tissue specificity of molecular beacons for blood, semen, and saliva. 相似文献
122.
To redress its deteriorating environment, Chinese leaders have elevated the environmental agenda in its political discourse,
especially at the recent 17th Party Congress. In this article, I answer whether the changes and reforms enacted at the 17th
Party Congress and codified in the National Eleventh Five-year Plan for Environmental Protection (PEP) address the flaws of
the Chinese environmental governance regime. First I identify the critical shortcomings of China’s environmental governance.
Then I examine the PEP, focusing on the reforms that correspond with each of these shortcomings. I find that the PEP reforms
are insufficient in addressing the shortcomings of the Chinese environmental governance regime. However, in examining empirical
evidence, I find that despite almost non-existent institutional reforms, China’s environmental performance has improved. Finally,
in the conclusion, I summarize my findings, examine the implications of the paradoxical increase in environmental performance
without corresponding governance reform, and suggest areas of future research. 相似文献
123.
Some studies have contended that direct democracy has secondary benefits unrelated to its impact on policy. In particular,
recent scholarship claims that the American ballot initiative process enhances political efficacy. We began with concerns
about the logic and empirical methods underlying this conclusion. We connect this research to the broader political psychology
literature and in doing so find little reason to expect a positive relationship between direct democracy and efficacy. Our
other contribution is to subject the empirical claim to more extensive testing. In contrast to prior research, we draw from
multiple data sources and consider sampling methods. The results consistently fail to indicate that direct democracy generally
enhances political efficacy. We find cause for skepticism about the secondary benefits of the ballot initiative process.
相似文献
Edward L. Lascher Jr.Email: |
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Joshua L. Mitchell 《Local Government Studies》2016,42(5):665-688
This article assesses the role of mass media markets in the diffusion of antismoking legislation in the state of Missouri in the US. Testing multiple diffusion theories, this study finds that media markets can facilitate the diffusion of policies among local jurisdictions by exacerbating intercounty competition. More attention should be given to media markets when assessing policy diffusion mechanisms at the local level. Media markets can be an important source for policy information conveyance among counties over a large geographic area. Furthermore, traditional diffusion studies that rely on geographical contiguity measures may not be completely capturing the existence of diffusion by excluding media markets. 相似文献
126.
Sabina Low Joshua R. Polanin Dorothy L. Espelage 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(7):1078-1089
Despite the veritable influence of the peer context on the elaboration of adolescent aggression, few studies of relational aggression have directly identified and measured peer groups, limiting our ability to draw formal conclusions about the level and nature of peer influence. The current study used a developmental framework to examine peer group influence on individual levels of physical and relational aggression over a year with 6th and 7th grade students (n = 346, 51 % female). A multilevel network approach was used in which peer groups were identified via social network analysis, and peer group influence was evaluated with hierarchical linear modeling (HLM). HLM analyses indicated that peer group aggression (physical and relational) at time 1 was predictive of individual aggression levels at time 2 after controlling for other peer group characteristics as well as other individual risk and protective factors. Although both forms of aggression were embedded in peer networks, findings suggest that physical aggression is relatively less endemic to peer networks, and is more likely to occur in smaller, predominantly male networks. The current study highlights the importance of understanding the influence of peer group membership on adolescent aggression and points to important implications for prevention. 相似文献
127.
Joshua Robison 《Political Behavior》2017,39(3):609-628
Repositioning by political elites plays a key role in a variety of political phenomena, including legislative policymaking and campaigning. While previous studies suggest that repositioning will lead to negative evaluations, these studies have not explored the role of elite communications in structuring mass responses. We argue that this omission is problematic because elite explanations for their actions may limit the costs associated with ‘flip-flopping’ by persuading some citizens to update their attitudes so that they agree with the elite’s new stance and also by molding beliefs about the motives of the elite when repositioning. We present evidence supportive of this argument obtained from two large experiments conducted on samples of American adults. Ultimately, we show that elites offering a satisfactory justification for their change can avoid most, if not all, of the evaluative costs that would otherwise occur. This study thus has important implications not just for this particular element of elite behavior, but also related questions concerning governmental accountability and representation. 相似文献
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