全文获取类型
收费全文 | 438篇 |
免费 | 20篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 19篇 |
工人农民 | 67篇 |
世界政治 | 49篇 |
外交国际关系 | 19篇 |
法律 | 217篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 76篇 |
综合类 | 4篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 25篇 |
2017年 | 25篇 |
2016年 | 28篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 72篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 13篇 |
2010年 | 20篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 24篇 |
2005年 | 14篇 |
2004年 | 23篇 |
2003年 | 19篇 |
2002年 | 16篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有458条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
451.
Julie Macleavy 《Space and Polity》2013,17(1):87-98
Since the election to power of New Labour in 1997, the concept of social exclusion has played a defining role in framing welfare policy. The rapid absorption of its terminology in government discourse has signalled a shift away from existing notions of inequality and disadvantage to a broader understanding of material poverty, which also includes (or instead prioritises) other social, cultural and political factors. This has important implications for New Labour policy-making. In particular, it allows for problems of inequality and disadvantage to be reinterpreted and new political measures to be introduced. Such measures produce different effects across space and society, which may be argued to disadvantage policy subjects. The aims of this paper are to explore how social exclusion has become installed as the primary framework of welfare policy in the UK and to examine the key assumptions embedded within specific policy formulations using discourse and content analysis. It thus points towards the importance of language in stipulating relatively enduring and stable sets of socio-political connections, and its role in mediating a particular (political) vision of the relationship(s) between state, economy and society as implicit in New Labour's ‘Third Way’. 相似文献
452.
Julie Kaye 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(3):417-435
Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) focused on poverty alleviation play a central role in responding to conflict situations and initiating peacebuilding activities. Following the 1994–1995 conflict in Northern Ghana, development NGOs coordinated a largely effective grassroots peacebuilding effort. However, insights gained from peacebuilding activities have not informed ongoing development efforts, which continue to propose ‘top-down’ strategies. By examining the strengths and limitations of the peace process in Ghana, this article suggests development NGOs apply the grassroots strategies they used for peacebuilding to their ongoing development activities. This analysis is based on data drawn from archival research as well as field interviews with 21 representatives of the state and NGOs, and community and religious leaders. 相似文献
453.
Julie Cencula Olberding 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5):393-414
During the past few decades, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of regional partnerships in the United States to enhance economic development across local government jurisdictions. This trend has been mirrored by an increase in regional organizations in Europe, Asia and South America to enhance economic development, usually across national boundaries. While the literature has examined the formation, structure and activities of regional partnerships for economic development in the United States, this is the first study that attempts to measure their effectiveness across a large number of geographical areas using quantitative methods. The findings provide some evidence of their effectiveness in that there is a positive and significant relationship between regional partnerships and employment; the relationship between regional partnerships and income is positive but insignificant. This study may be informative in the further study of regional economic development organizations in other countries as well as regional partnerships and organizations in other policy arenas. 相似文献
454.
This article seeks to reconcile congressional oversight models in theory with oversight realities in intelligence. For nearly three decades, political scientists have argued that Congress controls the bureaucracy – and in surprisingly efficient ways. Yet the history of intelligence oversight suggests the opposite. We take a fresh look at the logic and empirics of police patrol and fire alarm models and find that neither explains intelligence oversight well. Both rely on assumptions, such as the presence of strong and plentiful interest groups, which characterize domestic policy but not US intelligence policy. Our data – comparing committee hearing activities, legislative productivity, and interest groups across different policy domains between 1985 and 2005 – reveal that oversight varies dramatically by policy issue, and that intelligence almost always ranks at the bottom. Ironically, the same electoral incentives that generate robust oversight in some policy areas turn out to be far weaker in intelligence. 相似文献
455.
Hengyi Feng Julie Froud Sukhdev Johal Colin Haslam Karel Williams 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):467-503
This paper uses the concepts of business model and financial ecosystem to analyse the relation between the US capital market and corporate business. Under a capital market double standard, from 1995 to 2000, new companies with digital prospects could recover their costs from the capital market; but, after the tech stock crash in 2000, all companies were required to generate profits from the product market. This encourages a blurring of old and new firm identities, because sectoral power is increasingly necessary to secure cost recovery. But this does not imply any return to business as usual when the financial ecosystem for new technology survives the crash and large-scale venture capital investment continues. From this point of view,the new economy illustrated, concretely, the determining role of finance in the broader processes of financialization. 相似文献
456.
Julie C. Abril 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(4):359-366
Strongly held cultural values may lead to development of pro-social behaviors and subsequently values against committing crime among people belonging to targeted racial or ethnic groups. In this study, the author examines measures of Native American Indian cultural values and measures of collective efficacy to determine which set of values best predict perceptions of crime seriousness from within a population of Native American Indians. The author uses data collected from 312 Indians and 355 non-Indians during the Southern Ute Indian Community Safety Survey to determine which set of values are more closely aligned with perceptions of crime seriousness. This study found that those who held stronger Native American Indian cultural values also had stronger perceptions of crime seriousness. In the past, little scientific work has been done to associate specific cultural values to those held by cultural groups other than Euro-Americans. Findings from this work suggest that strengthening cultural values specific to a targeted group may be a promising method in the effort to reduce victimization among minority group members if said members view crime as serious and report it as such. 相似文献
457.
Connie Smith Stuart Allardyce Simon Hackett Caroline Bradbury-Jones Anne Lazenbatt Julie Taylor 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(3):267-280
AbstractThis article considers the trajectory and effectiveness of policy, procedures and practice in the UK since the early 1990s in responding to young people who display problematic and harmful sexual behaviours. It draws on data from three publications in which research, policy and practice in the last 20 years have been reviewed. Key themes raised by Masson and Hackett are revisited including: denial and minimisation; terminology and categorisation; similarities with other young offenders; the child protection and youth justice systems; and assessment and interventions. The authors find that there is improvement in recognition of, and practice in response to, this group of young people, but good practice standards are inconsistently applied. With devolution of political powers, Scotland and Northern Ireland are now embarking on a more strategic response than England. The absence of a public debate and prioritising of primary prevention of child sexual abuse is noted. 相似文献
458.