全文获取类型
收费全文 | 805篇 |
免费 | 37篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 26篇 |
工人农民 | 93篇 |
世界政治 | 80篇 |
外交国际关系 | 40篇 |
法律 | 397篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 191篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 24篇 |
2017年 | 27篇 |
2016年 | 27篇 |
2015年 | 32篇 |
2014年 | 24篇 |
2013年 | 140篇 |
2012年 | 28篇 |
2011年 | 24篇 |
2010年 | 22篇 |
2009年 | 21篇 |
2008年 | 43篇 |
2007年 | 37篇 |
2006年 | 34篇 |
2005年 | 30篇 |
2004年 | 36篇 |
2003年 | 30篇 |
2002年 | 28篇 |
2001年 | 18篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 13篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 12篇 |
1996年 | 13篇 |
1995年 | 11篇 |
1994年 | 11篇 |
1993年 | 10篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 8篇 |
1988年 | 7篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 7篇 |
1981年 | 5篇 |
1980年 | 6篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有842条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
721.
This article examines the way in which the news media frame public policy issues and the extent to which other political players (e.g., interest groups, politicians) influence this issue framing process. Our analysis focuses on the issue of gun control, comparing the rhetoric generated by interest groups and public officials on the Brady Bill and Assault Weapons Ban with actual network news coverage of this legislation from 1988 to 1996. Results indicate that both sets of political players employed several interpretative issue frames and worked hard to put their preferred themes on the agenda. However, at times, the media intervened in the framing process, especially as the debate matured. Specifically, the news media (a) structured the overall tone of the gun control debate, (b) adopted a distribution of framing perspectives different from that of politicians and interest groups, and (c) packaged policy discourse more often than not in terms of the "culture of violence" theme. These findings point toward previously ignored media effects and attest to the potential role the media play in shaping public policy debates. 相似文献
722.
Cora Mocanu MSc Karen L. Woodall PhD Patricia Solbeck MSc 《Journal of forensic sciences》2024,69(2):607-617
The aim of this study was to investigate the incidence of benzodiazepines in opioid-positive death investigations, including trends in frequency and combination of drugs, as well as demographic data and blood concentrations, where available. Additionally, naloxone concentrations in polysubstance compared to opioid-only cases were analyzed. This was a retrospective study that consisted of all post-mortem toxicology cases in Ontario, Canada, from January 01, 2017, to December 31, 2021, with an opioid finding in any analyzed autopsy specimen. There were 11,033 death investigations identified. The overall rate of benzodiazepine co-involvement was 54.5%. Males accounted for the majority of cases (71%), and the most affected age group was 30- to 39-year-olds. The most frequently detected opioid was fentanyl and the most frequently detected benzodiazepine was etizolam, which was also the most frequently observed opioid/benzodiazepine combination. Findings related to differences in concentrations of opioids when naloxone was also present were mostly non-significant, except for methadone. The rate of benzodiazepine detection with opioids grew faster than opioid detections overall, potentially due to the increasingly toxic drug supply. Detection of novel psychoactive drugs fluctuated more unpredictably than opioids and benzodiazepines associated with clinical use. These findings can help inform policy decisions by public health agencies in exploring harm reduction efforts, for example, education and drug-checking services. 相似文献
723.
This paper summarizes the social science research on the record of housing dispersal programs since 1995. The research shows a consistently disappointing record of benefits to low-income households. Households moved out of high-poverty neighborhoods, voluntarily and involuntarily, show few or no beneficial effects in terms of economic self-sufficiency, health benefits, or social integration. The benefits of dispersal are confined to feelings of greater safety and satisfaction with neighborhood environmental conditions. We offer a framework for understanding the disappointing record of dispersal, highlighting its translation from social science diagnosis to policy, problems in the policy's implementation, its underlying theory of poverty, and the political context within which dispersal has been applied. 相似文献
724.
725.
Abstract In 2002, the Gautreaux Two housing mobility program provided low‐income families living in Chicago public housing with the opportunity to move to more affluent, less racially isolated communities. This article presents findings on their complex search and moving process. Only about one‐third of enrolled families actually moved through the program ("leased‐up"). In‐depth interviews with a randomly chosen sample of 71 families and an additional 20 “likely mover” families showed that movers fell into four groups distinguished by personal characteristics that made it easier for them to move or by residence on Chicago's North Side. Nonmovers faced a variety of obstacles, both external (a tight rental market, discrimination, and bureaucratic delays) and internal (limited experience and program comprehension, large household size, and health problems). Also, some nonmovers were too busy with work or school to engage in what proved to be an onerous process of identifying a suitable unit and moving. 相似文献
726.
American Civil Law Origins: Implications for State Constitutions 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
We examine the effect of initial legal traditions on constitutionalstability in the American states. Ten states were initiallysettled by France, Spain, or Mexico and had developed civillaw legal systems at the time of American acquisition. AlthoughLouisiana retained civil law, the remaining nine adopted commonlaw. Controlling for contemporaneous and initial conditions,civil law states have substantially higher levels of constitutionalinstability at the end of the twentieth century. We speculatethat this effect is attributable to instability in propertyrights caused by the change in national governments and to thelegacy of the civil law system. 相似文献
727.
Karen L. McKie 《Critical Criminology》2003,11(3):199-215
Following the execution of two German nationals in the United States in 2001, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found
the U.S. in violation of international law stating that foreign nationals must be notified of their right to contact their
embassy. When they learned of this right ten years after their arrest, they were barred from raising the claim; and after
exhausting available avenues in American courts, the German consulate took the case to the International Court of Justice.
The U.S. executed the two men while the case was still before the ICJ, in spite of its request to stay the execution and German
objections that “violations of Article 36 followed by death sentences and executions cannot be remedied by apologies or the
distribution of leaflets”. This paper discusses the importance of consular notification to the fairness of prosecutions. Cases
reviewed indicate the U.S. still frequently does not provide notification and is at times oblivious to the ICJ's ruling. The
paper discusses reasons the U.S. should honor notification, including reciprocity for Americans traveling abroad and the larger
development of international law. A final section provides several mechanisms for bringing U.S. practices into compliance
that could be easily implemented.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
728.
729.
730.
Karen Eltis 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2007,35(2):282-294
Genetic testing can not only provide information about diseases but also their prevalence in ethnic, gender, or other vulnerable populations. While offering the promise of significant therapeutic benefits and serving to highlight our commonality, genetic information also raises a number of sensitive human rights issues touching on identity and the perception thereof, as well as the possibility of discrimination and social stigma. It stands to reason that the results of individual screenings could haplessly be used to make general assumptions about entire ethnic or gender groups. In this manner, genetic information can directly influence identity by impacting and perhaps even reframing conceptions of group rights and dimensions of self-identification, thus importing constitutional scrutiny on questions of dignity and discrimination in particular. Is there a risk of collective stigmatization deriving from discrete testing of self-identified individuals? Would such stigmatization impinge on individual dignity by the exogenous imposition of ethnic or gender/sexual identity? If so, what norms can most adequately respond if and when individual and group interests diverge? These questions are examined from a comparative perspective. 相似文献