The role of the state in a technological society†

Abstract. Society demands ever-increasing interventions by the state. At the local level the demand for increased state activity is caused by the complexity of modem society and by the increased concentrations of people being experienced, and even the most traditional areas of government service will expand. Provincial and federal governments will find their increased activity revolving around education and the manipulation of the economy. People do not want the government to do anything more, and are distrustful of government activity. They have those feelings for good cause. Some of the things government attempts to do it does incompetently (and I digress to bad-mouth Opportunities for Youth, unemployment insurance, and municipal transportation). On the other hand, some of those things that government does do well, like creating unemployment and providing public housing, it does on such a scale that people are badly hurt by the results. Society is making many rapid changes. Society does that for itself; the government does not do it. The job of government is to assess and respond to those changes. It ought not to initiate them. as it is incapable of doing so. The political process only works kvell with present public concerns. The greatest dangers to society are posed by the tendency of government to act without political control or direction. This danger is accentuated by an out-of-date political structure, placing powers and responsibilities in the hands of governments that are beyond any practical political control. There is a dilemma. People want and need more government services and do not trust government to provide them. The solution must be found in a radical restructuring of levels of government (I indulge in the pleasant fantasy of contemplating the abolition of Ottawa), and in the strengthening of communities, primarily through organizers. Sommaire. La société exige de l'état des interventions toujours plus fréquentes. Au niveau régional, le besoin d'unr participation plus importante de l'état est dûà la complexité. de la société rnoderne et à la concentration toujours plus grande de la population, de manière que même les services gouvernementaux les plus routiniers y prendront de l'expansion. Les gouvernements provinciaux et fédéral borneront généralement leurs Iiouvelles activités au domaine de l'enseignement et à la manipulation de l'économie. La population voudrait mettre fin aux ingérences dun gouvernement dont elle craint les activités, et pour causc: ! Certaines tentatives du gouvernement ont été entreprises sans compétence (je songe é l'échec du programme Jeunesse, à l'assurance chômage et aux systèmes de transport municipaux). Par ailleurs, ce que le gouvemement fait le mieux (propager le chômage et multiplier les habitations à loyer modéré) il le fait sur une telle envergure que toute la population finit par en soufh-ir. La société subit des changements nombreux et rapides, changements qu'elle accomplit elle-même, sans l'aide du gouvernement. Le rôle du gouvernement est d'évaluer ces changements et d'agir en conséquence. Ce n'est pas à lui d'en prendre l'initiative, d'autant plus qu'il en est incapable. Le processus politique ne peut s'attaquer efficacement qu'aux difficultés existantes. Les plus grands dangers qui confrontent la société proviennent de la tendance gouvernementale à agir sans contrôle ni modération. Ce danger se trouve encore aggravé par un système politique périmé qui abandonne le pouvoir et les responsabilités à des formes de gouvernements soustraits à tout contrble politique pratique. Le probléme est sérieux: la population, qui a besoin de services gouvernementaw plus étendus, ne peut se fier à lui pour les procurer. La solution ne viendra donc que d'une restructuration radicale de tous les niveaux du gouvernement (il m'arrive de rêver de l'abolition totale d'Ottawa) et d'un renforcement des pouvoirs municipaux aux mains d'organisateurs compétents.     

The importance of being genuinely sorry when organizations apologize: how the Australian Wheat Board (AWB Limited) was damaged even further by its response to a corporate scandal

This paper draws on the unique insights offered by the documents tendered to the Royal Commission into the Australian Wheat Board (AWB Limited) to examine the process for drafting an apology within a scandalized organization suffering reputational damage. The Royal Commission received an almost complete set of documents specifying the process by which AWB prepared a public apology, as well as details of the efforts of the company to suppress those documents and the testimony of key personnel not only on the scandal itself but also on how the company responded to the crisis it had caused. The documents tendered to the Australian Government's Royal Commission included the working notes, drafting edits and expert advice from an international crisis communication consultant. AWB initially sought to try and manage the impact of the United Nations Oil‐for‐Food scandal, rather than address the causes of the transgression that would then allow the company to begin the process of restoring trust and rebuilding the damaged reputation. This disingenuous response exacerbated the problems for the company and caused additional damage to its corporate reputation. The insights from the AWB case study provide invaluable guidance for organizations on how to respond effectively to a corporate scandal. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

British intelligence and counter‐insurgency in the era of decolonisation: The example of Malaya

This article uses two approaches to show the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960) and intelligence were reaching a turning point before the 1952 appointment of a single commander; and to show the reason for this success was a counter‐insurgency technique which placed population control at its core. First, the article outlines the development of intelligence, in order to identify when and why it became effective. Second, it re‐examines intelligence on the Malayan Communist Party's (MCP) so‐called ‘October’ 1951 Directives. It argues these confirm the MCP was virtually forced to change its tactics by late 1951. Together, these approaches challenge existing historiography, which makes Sir Gerald Templer's era of 1952–54, when he was both High Commissioner and Director of Operations, the turning point.     

Q Methodology as a Tool for Committee Governance Research

The allegiance of national bureaucratic elites to European, national, institutional and policy-specific identities or associations is the subject of a growing body of European integration literature. Reviewing the methods employed by committee governance research, Q methodology is suggested as an alternative mechanism for measuring bureaucrat norms, beliefs and values. Its application to research on European committee governance could therefore increase the robustness of the qualitative element of existing mixed methods approaches. This would provide further insight into policy-making processes at the international level.     

Patriarchy in the Balkans: Temporal and cross-cultural approaches

The article deals with the history, distribution and ideology of Balkan patriarchy; the Balkan agnatic kinship system; and with the most significant patriarchal family structures. The demographic analyses are based primarily on the Serbian state census of 1863 (the first available census listing women) and the Federal Yugoslav census data for 1948, 1953, and 1961, coupled with archival and field data for the central Serbian village of Oras?ac for 1818–1975. Balkan patriarchy has much in common with similar well-documented systems in Asia and the Middle East. The Balkan situation was differentiated, however, in that this system existed both within and outside formal state structures. The patriarchal ideology shaped kinship and family patterns, as well as coresidential patterns within households. These patterns reproduced patriarchal structures, but the full reproduction of the system was constrained by economic circumstances.