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161.
Given the popular wisdom that the U.S. government influences IMF policies and tends to support the business community, it
might be expected that IMF programs benefit U.S. firms abroad and thus borrower nations are attractive destinations for U.S.
foreign direct investment (FDI). Surprisingly, no study has tested the impact of IMF loans on U.S. FDI. Controlling for common
explanations in the literature, we use a treatment effects model and interviews with IMF staff researchers to investigate
whether countries under different kinds of IMF programs receive more U.S. FDI than countries not under IMF arrangements. Using
panel data for 126 developing countries from 1980 to 2003, we find that IMF borrowers tend to be more attractive to U.S. investors
but not all IMF programs have the same effect. Our findings suggest that differences in loan duration, the extent of borrower
input in policy decisions, and loan amounts affect borrowers’ leverage with the Fund and the U.S. 相似文献
162.
Political Behavior - With numerous scholars expressing interest, and in some cases concern, over the impact of televised campaign ads on participation, it is vital that our understanding of the... 相似文献
163.
In der Rs Color Drack/Lexx hatte sich der EuGH erstmals seit Inkrafttreten der EuGVVO mit der Frage von mehreren Erfüllungsorten
im Zusammenhang mit der besonderen Zust?ndigkeit des Art 5 Z 1 EuGVVO auseinanderzusetzen. Die Besonderheit des Sachverhalts
lag ua darin, dass die in Betracht kommenden Erfüllungsorte alle in ein und demselben Mitgliedstaat gelegen waren. Der EuGH
entschied sich für ein "Zwei-Ebenen-Modell" mit der prim?ren Ma?geblichkeit des nach wirtschaftlichen Kriterien zu bestimmenden
Hauptlieferungsortes und einer subsidi?ren Wahlm?glichkeit für den Kl?ger. Der Beitrag analysiert die L?sungsvariante des
EuGH und untersucht, ob die zugrunde liegenden L?sungskriterien auch auf Sachverhalte mit mehreren Erfüllungsorten in verschiedenen
Mitgliedstaaten umgelegt werden k?nnen. 相似文献
164.
Local government systems change at varying speeds. While some countries have dramatically reduced the number of local governments during a short period of time, other countries have seen only incremental change or relative inertia. A number of explanations for structural change have been put forward in the comparative local government literature, but these explanations have to a small extent been tested empirically. This article uses statistical indicators to analyse changes in the local government systems in 17 Western European countries between 2004 and 2014. Some often-cited explanations for what drives structural change receive little support. Still, the article demonstrates that changes tend to occur in situations marked by different combinations of decentralisation, urbanisation, fiscal stress and a recent history of territorial upscaling. 相似文献
165.
The relationship between the Norwegian State on the one hand, and political parties and voluntary organizations on the other, has traditionally been based on mutual trust. To assess the claim that civil society institutions are developing towards ‘semi-public agencies’, we review state regulation of Norwegian voluntary organizations and political parties. The State does demand more accountability and transparency in return for public funding, but many aspects are also regulated scarcely or not at all. This indicates that substantial mutual trust remains. This relationship might be characterized as a partnership based on interdependence, rather than colonization. 相似文献
166.
Ying-Chih Chuang Susan T. Ennett Karl E. Bauman Vangie A. Foshee 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(10):1388-1398
This study examined the relationships of adolescents’ perceptions of parental and peer behaviors with cigarette and alcohol
use in different neighborhood contexts. The sample included 924 adolescents (49% boys, 51% girls) 12–14 years of age whose
addresses were matched with 1990 census block groups. Six neighborhood types were identified through a cluster analysis. The
findings suggest that parental smoking was associated with increased adolescent smoking in suburban white middle socioeconomic
status (SES) neighborhoods. Peer smoking was associated with increased adolescent smoking in rural neighborhoods. Parental
monitoring was associated with decreased adolescent drinking in urban white high-SES neighborhoods and parental drinking was
associated with increased adolescent drinking in urban white middle-SES neighborhoods, respectively. Peer drinking was associated
with increased adolescent drinking in urban neighborhoods. This study demonstrates the importance of examining parental and
peer influences on adolescent smoking and drinking in different neighborhood contexts. 相似文献
167.
168.
Karl Wilds 《German politics》2013,22(1):83-102
This paper considers transformations in the concept of national identity post‐unification. In particular, it is interested in examining the changed status of the NS past in contemporary formulations of national identity. Whilst during the Historikerstreit conservative thinkers predicated the plea for conventional patriotism upon a ‘normalisation’ or ‘reladvisation’ of the NS past, left‐liberal discourse based the case for a post‐national Verfassungspatriotismus upon the critical engagement with the NS period. The collapse of the Cold War political framework has profoundly altered the polarised discourse over the German past and during the 1990s the critical consciousness of National Socialism became a central tenet of contemporary formulations of national identity. The paper attempts to place the contemporary discourse on national identity within a broader historical context and to consider reasons for recent transformations in perceptions of the German national past. 相似文献
169.
170.
Karl‐Oskar Lindgren Sven Oskarsson Christopher T. Dawes 《American journal of political science》2017,61(1):222-236
Over the years, many suggestions have been made on how to reduce the importance of family background in political recruitment. In this study, we examine the effectiveness of one such proposal: the expansion of mass education. We utilize a difference‐in‐difference strategy to analyze how a large school reform launched in Sweden in the 1950s, which lengthened schooling and postponed tracking, affected the likelihood of individuals with different family backgrounds to run for public office. The data come from public registers and pertain to the entire Swedish population born between 1943 and 1955. The empirical analysis provides strong support for the view that improved educational opportunities for individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds can be an effective means to reduce the social bias of elected assemblies. 相似文献