The Development of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in a Sample of Child Witnesses to Mother Assault

This exploratory study examined the relationship between the development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and a number of coping variables in child witnesses to mother assault. The sample consisted of 84 children (mean age 11 years) who had been referred from shelters for battered women and child welfare agencies. Comparisons of those who met PTSD criteria (n = 47) and those who did not meet PTSD criteria (n = 37) found significant differences on variables of age, duration, and frequency of witnessing children. Child self-report instruments indicated that the PTSD group differed significantly from the non-PTSD group on the basis of assault anxiety, depression, dissociation, anger, and negative attributions. Hierarchical multiple regression analysis indicated that factors related to negative attributions and assault variables each contributed significantly to explaining 71% of the variance of PTSD symptoms, after the variables of age and sex were controlled. Discriminant function analysis correctly classified 84.3% of the respondents. The relevance of PTSD to child witnesses is considered, along with study limitations.     

University–industry collaboration and regional wealth

Substantial research has been conducted towards understanding why and how universities shape regional wealth and competitiveness. In this paper we extend this literature to examine empirically causal relationships between university-induced knowledge spillovers and regional wealth using a hand collected panel data set from 1998 to 2012. Literature has identified three possible effects of causality, namely that a university exogenously fosters and spurs regional wealth, second that universities are endogenously shaped by regional wealth and finally that regional wealth and universities follow an interlinked and co-evolutionary path. Our findings support the latter direction in that universities and their regional endowment are linked together.     

Keeping Friends Close and Enemies Closer: Classical Realist Statecraft and Economic Exchange in U.S. Interwar Strategy

This article addresses the relationship between economic exchange and grand strategy and explains why rival states exchange with each other. The theoretical debate among realists is defined, while a novel, yet classical, realist exchange theory is proffered and evaluated against the record of U.S.-Japanese exchange, 1918–41. In this particular case, the origins of Japan's oil dependency on the United States are detailed for the first time as is the U.S. policy toward Britain and the Netherlands that created this dependency. The article finds U.S. strategic coordination of Japan's economic vulnerabilities and their use advanced U.S. grand strategy leading into WWII. The article concludes that the July 1941 U.S. oil embargo against Japan was purposeful and the product of a larger policy arc from the early post-WWI period.     

Generalizing about peasant movements

Latin American Peasant Movements edited by Henry Landsberger. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1969. Pp. xi, 476; $12.0 and £5–95. Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America edited by Rodolfo Stavenhagen. New York and London: Doubleday‐Anchor, 1970. Pp. xi, 583; $2.45 and £1.25. Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century by Eric Wolf. New York: Harper and Row, 1969, and London: Faber & Faber, 1971. Pp. xix, 328; $4.45 and £3.00. Zapata and the Mexican Revolution by John Womack Jr. New York: Vintage Books, 1969, and London: Thames & Hudson, 1970. Pp. 457; £4.20.     

National systems of innovation

The perhaps broadest approach to economic performance at the level of a country is the concept of national systems of innovation. Despite the emergence of a compelling literature identifying the persistence of innovative activities and country specific institutional effects, evidence on the nature of national systems of innovation is still missing and a number of crucial questions and answers remain unanswered. To shed light on these issues, as of leading scholars of entrepreneurship and innovation was assembled from around the world for a conference on “National Systems of Entrepreneurship and Innovation” at the ZEW Mannheim in November 2014. This article draws on the NSI framework, sets it in a larger context, examines the logic of the approach and introduces the special issue by summarizing the papers presented at the conference and selected for this special issue.     

Britain and the Working Time Regulations

It is now over a year since the Working Time Regulations entered force in Britain on 1 October 1998, during a period when the government also introduced the minimum wage. But whereas that piece of legislation appears to have faded away into the background of British industrial relations, the Working Time Regulations continue to remain a central topic. Based on a survey of British companies and organisations, this article reviews the implementation of the legislation and examines the scope of coverage. It finds that the failure of the Labour government to consult the social partners – employer and employee representatives – resulted in business being unprepared for the Regulations. The article also notes that the manner in which this legislation was introduced has meant that many of the employees who were working excessive hours continue to do so.     

Self-exclusion as a strategy of inclusion: the case of Shas

Among the many paradoxes of Israeli politics, there are the strategies of political inclusion used by organizations and parties representing groups that reject the universalism which Israeli democracy is heir to. This paper develops a model of ‘political inclusion Israeli-style’, illustrated by one party, Shas, which since 1984 proclaims itself the voice of the socially and culturally excluded Sephardi population of north African and Middle Eastern Jews, who represent over 40% of the Jewish population. Shas is also a movement of religious and ethnic revival which, by adopting a social strategy of self-exclusion grounded in strict religious observance, and of independence vis-à-vis established Ashkenazi ultra-Orthodox politics, has gained 11 out of 120 Knesset seats, inclusion in government, and control over a share of educational and welfare expenditure. The paper raises the issue whether such less-than-perfectly universalistic practices are not a variety of corporatism and possibly, for the parties concerned, a more effective strategy of incorporation than the classic social democratic path.