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Against the background of the continuing lack of diversity in the makeup of the judiciary in England and Wales, this article explores the reasons behind the consistent rejection of affirmative action policies in relation to the judicial appointment process. It examines the relationship between affirmative action and the merit principle in this context and argues that the belief that the two are inherently in tension rests on implicit assumptions about both which are open to question. 相似文献
133.
Matthew Hoddie 《Political studies》2002,50(2):293-312
I argue against the commonly held view that ethnically based preferential policies consistently lead to the construction of well-defined boundaries between collectivities. Using a statistical study of Australia as a case, I demonstrate that preferential programs, under certain conditions, may blur the boundaries between groups. This trend is reflected in the growing number of individuals in the early 1980s who chose to claim an Aboriginal identity in Australian states that increasingly recognized indigenous land claims.
In order to account for the sometimes-divergent effect of ethnically based preferential policies on the divisions between ethnic groups, I focus on the key factor of security. I contend that programs that favor dominant ethnic groups tend to increase the feelings of vulnerability among weaker collectivities and encourage inter-group polarization. In contrast, preferential policies for subordinate groups offer reassurances to previously threatened communities and frequently encourage the crossing of ethnic boundaries. 相似文献
In order to account for the sometimes-divergent effect of ethnically based preferential policies on the divisions between ethnic groups, I focus on the key factor of security. I contend that programs that favor dominant ethnic groups tend to increase the feelings of vulnerability among weaker collectivities and encourage inter-group polarization. In contrast, preferential policies for subordinate groups offer reassurances to previously threatened communities and frequently encourage the crossing of ethnic boundaries. 相似文献
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Matthew P. Drennan 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1994,14(2):103-125
The state and city of New York have chronic fiscal difficulties, namely, expenditures that tend to exceed revenues by significant amounts. The deficits were moderate in the 1980s but have become large and acute in the 1990s as the state and city economies have been in a prolonged recession. Deficits are expected to continue well into the future. Supply side factors, particularly high wage levels, are the main causes of the state's deficits. For the city, supply side factors, particularly high employment, and demand side factors are main causes. Federal aid reduction is a minor cause. The city's fiscal condition is compared with that of the thirty other largest U.S. cities in a regression analysis which updates Gramlich's analysis of the period immediately before the famous New York City fiscal crisis of 1975. 相似文献
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Matthew Harding 《The Modern law review》2008,71(2):159-182
It is a well‐established principle that no trust may be regarded as charitable in law unless carrying out its purposes will benefit the public. Trusts for religious purposes have traditionally been presumed by courts to be for the public benefit. However, the presumption of public benefit will be removed from the law in early 2008 when section 3(2) of the Charities Act 2006 comes into force. At that time, two questions are likely to attract interest. First, to what extent, and in what ways, has the application of a presumption of public benefit assisted courts up to now? Secondly, without the assistance of the presumption, how might courts go about ascertaining whether the public will benefit in future cases? The article takes up these two questions with respect to trusts for religious purposes. 相似文献
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