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291.
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Rachel Monaghan 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(7):1014-1026
In the 1980s some thirty members of paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland both republican and loyalist, agreed to provide evidence against their former colleagues in return for a reduced sentence or immunity from prosecution, a new identity and life. Such individuals became commonly known as ‘supergrasses’. This article drawing on archival and documentary research explores the potential opportunity these supergrass trials provided for republican paramilitary groups to gather open source intelligence on their loyalist counterparts. It also tracks whether individuals named by loyalist supergrasses were subsequently targeted by opposing paramilitary groups on their acquittal or release from prison. 相似文献
293.
Kate Soper 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2013,24(3):81-86
[E]cosocialism entails different and more complex judgments of value than first-epoch socialism. It demands of us that we take into account a kind of valuation distinct from those values, attached to use and exchange, that enter into economic calculation. Once we open ourselves to the ecosphere, a realm of intrinsic value opens as well, a value inhering in ecosystemic being …. What is called an “ecocentric ethic” is essentially ethics in defense of intrinsic value. Simply put, it is the refusal to reduce the world to cash, and to knuckle under to the lords of economic calculation. … This perspective becomes necessary in the overcoming of the ecological crisis, and therefore the climate crisis as well. It is the deepest level of the resistance to capital, and the foundation of all others.1 相似文献
294.
Rachel Monaghan 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):65-78
When one reads the literature on the militant suffragettes, one is left with the impression that the extent of their militancy was confined to smashing a few windows, slashing some works of art and, at most, setting fire to empty houses. This picture does not, however, stand up to closer examination. This article seeks to show how the militant campaign for women's suffrage in the United Kingdom embodies the characteristics of terrorism. The militant campaign involved the use or threat of use of violence, the targets selected were symbolic and the methods employed were extreme. Although the aim was to instil fear or to terrorise, one form of militancy not entertained by the suffragettes was the indiscriminate killing and injuring which has become a familiar tactic in violent protest. Even with this consideration the militant campaign can be viewed as one involving terrorism. 相似文献
295.
In this article we address the following questions: How is oppression maintained? What resources enhance human welfare, thereby weakening oppression? and How can the systems of oppression be challenged and interrupted? Our response to the last question is: “Organize on the local level with real allies to effect small wins that encourage political participation.” 相似文献
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Kate Gleeson 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):327-347
This article examines the creation and legacy of the 1957 Wolfenden Report, arguing that current trends to simplistically
address the Report, along with a long standing academic focus on Foucault and the nineteenth century, have disregarded the
productive and revolutionary nature of its recommendations enacted in the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Contrary to the common
emphasis placed on Victorian medical discourse, and the 1895 trials of Oscar Wilde, it was the Wolfenden Report and the twentieth
century that created the homosexual identity in law – an identity created not with a view to freedom, as is regularly assumed,
but with the objective of the control of recalcitrant bodies in the forms of men's homosexual sex, and women's prostitution.
Dr.Kate Gleeson is Postdoctoral Research Fellow. Thanks to Helen Pringle for the heads-up on Discipline and Punish. And thanks to Aleardo Zanghellini for helping me to clarify this argument. 相似文献
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Measuring the Geographical Displacement and Diffusion of Benefit Effects of Crime Prevention Activity 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The displacement of crime is an important criminological phenomenon. However, while there has been theoretical discussion of this issue in the research literature, there has been little in the way of either standardized empirical work that investigates the incidence of displacement or in the development of techniques that can be used to measure it. In the current paper we discuss a new technique, the weighted displacement quotient (WDQ), that was developed to measure the geographical displacement of crime. A critical feature of the rationale is that displacement can only be attributed to crime prevention activity if crime is reduced in the target area considered. Thus, the WDQ not only measures what occurs in a buffer (displacement) zone but also relates changes in this area to those in the target area. Part of the appeal of the measure is that it can be used either with aggregate or disaggregate crime data and for any geographical boundary selected, provided the appropriate data are available. In addition to detecting displacement, when detailed data are available, the technique can also be used to identify where the effect was most prominent. The WDQ can equally be used to measure the diffusion of benefit of any crime prevention activity. A series of examples are presented for illustration purposes. 相似文献
300.