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201.
Boots DP Heide KM 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2006,50(4):418-445
This article is a content analysis of news reports of parricide cases occurring worldwide. An extensive search of online databases found coverage of more than 200 cases of children killing parents reported in the news media. Data pertaining to incidents, case-related variables (e.g., weapons used, other charges), and the processing of offenders from the initial charge through conviction and sentencing are examined. To the extent possible, media accounts are used to classify cases according to motive and Heide's three types of parricide offenders. Twelve significant differences are discussed between U.S. and non-U.S. cases of parricide with respect to characteristics of parricide incidents, motives and other areas of clinical interest in reported parricide offenders, and Heide's typology. The article concludes with a discussion of media representations of the phenomenon versus the actual occurrence, several observations that emerged from these news accounts, and directions for future research. 相似文献
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In this paper, we argue that citizens' views about the personality characteristics of their political leaders are subject to systematic bias, motivated by the desire to maintain existing impressions. We report two studies designed to explore how such trait biases, involving judgments of real politicians, are manifested. Drawing on work in social psychology (John, Hampson, and Goldberg, 1991), we hypothesize, and demonstrate experimentally, that traitbreadth plays a critical role in the judgment process. Specifically, people tend to select broad positive traits (e.g., kind) and narrower negative traits (gullible) to describe politicians that they like; conversely, people tend to select broad negative traits (unintelligent) and narrower positive traits (soft-hearted) to describe politicians that they dislike. This trait breadth attribution bias was much stronger among those who had a positive, rather than negative, impression of the politician, a result we discuss in the context of related evidence of affective asymmetries in political judgment (e.g., Kinder, 1986; Marcus and Mackuen, 1993). More generally, these studies illustrate the potential associated with integrating cognitive, affective, and motivational factors in the service of fully understanding political judgment and choice. 相似文献
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Samuolis Jessica Layburn Kiera Schiaffino Kathleen M. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2001,30(3):373-384
Previous research reveals the need to study adolescents' levels of exploration and commitment instead of overall identity categories for the purpose of identifying developmental trends in identity development. Similarly, attachment research points to the importance of considering separate measures of attachment to mother and attachment to father, as well as considering gender differences in attachment to parents. We tested the hypothesis regarding the relative levels of the identity-related constructs of commitment and exploration in relationship to adolescent males' and females' attachment to parents. The self-report data from 100 first-year college students suggests that females had significantly higher levels of exploration and commitment than the male subjects. Females' identity development was related to attachment relationships to parents, especially attachment to mother, while males' identity development was unrelated to attachment to either parent. These findings are discussed in terms of their implications for the development of university student services. 相似文献
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Kathleen Gough Aberle 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3-4):2-29
AbstractAn important conference took place at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, B.C., Canada, on April 1st to 6th. Six Indochinese delegates met about 600 women from Voice of Women, Women Strike for Peace, Third World, and Women's Liberation groups of western North America. The purpose of the conference was “to meet and talk in order to get a better understanding and strengthen our solidarity so as to put an early end to the war, and to give information to Canadian and U.S. friends on the situation in Indochina.” Third World delegates, who numbered about 300, came from Black, Chicano, Asian, and Native American and Canadian groups. The Indochinese also talked to G.I. wives, veterans, deserters, and draft resisters, and held public meetings with Canadian citizens. A similar conference followed in Toronto (see The Guardian, New York, April 17, page 5). 相似文献