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761.
This paper reinvestigates the question of liberal neutrality. We contend that current liberal discussions have been dominated—if not hijacked—by one particular interpretation of what neutrality could imply: namely, exclusive neutrality, aiming to exclude religious and cultural expressions from the public sphere. We will argue that this is merely one among several relevant interpretations. To substantiate our claim, we will first elaborate upon inclusive neutrality by formulating two supplementary interpretations: proportional neutrality and compensatory neutrality. Second, we will argue that inclusive proportional neutrality is the most appropriate interpretation in many contexts. Our discussion highlights the fact that some political disputes should not be seen in terms of the antithesis between liberal neutrality and illiberal alternatives but, instead, as a clash between various valid but incompatible interpretations of what liberal neutrality may imply. 相似文献
762.
Willem De Koster Peter Achterberg Jeroen Van der Waal Samira Van Bohemen Roy Kemmers 《West European politics》2014,37(3):584-604
Whereas electoral support for new-rightist parties is often understood as driven by ethnocentric anti-immigrant sentiments, scholars have noted that new-rightist politicians have, surprisingly, stressed culturally progressive arguments in the last decade. Using recent Dutch survey data (N = 1,302) especially collected for this purpose, the article analyses the electoral relevance of three types of cultural progressiveness for voting for the new right and their relation to the well-documented anti-immigrant agenda. The analysis shows that neither moral progressiveness nor aversion to public interference of religious orthodoxy underlies the new-rightist vote. Support for freedom of speech proves relevant, but, in accordance with literature on the new right’s electoral strategy and with theorising on framing, this only leads towards the new right among those who are ethnocentric. These findings are discussed in the light of electoral competition, and questions for further research are formulated. 相似文献
763.
Studies in different countries have shown that the media can influence the attention politicians devote to different issues. However, knowledge about the cross-national contingencies of the political agenda-setting power of the media is limited. This study compares the perceptions of journalists of the political agenda-setting power of the mass media in eight parliamentary democracies with varying media and political systems: Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Norway, Spain, Sweden, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Building on a power balance perspective, the article looks at the autonomy of the media system (audience reach and political control) and the concentration of power in the political system (number of political parties, concentration of executive power) to contextualise the role of the media in political agenda-setting. Journalists perceive most media influence in Norway and Sweden and least in Spain. The results indicate that the power balance between the media and political actors to a large extent reflects the institutional structure of the political system, but that media characteristics such as the autonomous position of television should also be taken into account. 相似文献
764.
Political campaigns are made to attract the attention from citizens. The beginning of its adaption is linked to the appearance of the social media and user-generated content. Since the number of users of social network sites in Europe constantly grows, 2009 was the first time that these websites were used in political marketing purposes for the European Parliament elections. This is an exploratory study of the nature and extent of video-based social media, studied through the content analysis of YouTube videos created for the electoral campaign for the 2009 European Parliament elections by 13 political parties from four EU states. Results have shown the specificities of political advertising on the YouTube, a raising interest in social media among citizens in Europe, and the development of this way of campaigning. 相似文献
765.
The detection of autochthonous aquatic bacteria in tissue samples from drowning cases is increasingly considered as an alternative approach to assist the medico-legal diagnosis of death by drowning. Bacteria belonging to the genus Aeromonas may be suitable candidates for this application as they are ubiquitous in natural aquatic environments but are generally not part of the human microbiota. The research aims of this study were (i) to develop a sensitive, specific and rapid screening and confirmation method for Aeromonas species in tissue samples and (ii) to evaluate aseptic sternal puncture as a post-mortem sample technique and bone marrow as an alternative matrix to provide evidence of death by drowning. The presence of Aeromonas in tissue samples was verified by cultivation using the selective media Ampicillin Dextrin Agar (ADA) and Ryan's Aeromonas Medium. The use of ADA medium was found most optimal for the sensitive, inexpensive and quick detection of aeromonads in human tissue samples. Positive culture plates were confirmed by harvesting all colonies for DNA extraction and subsequent PCR amplification using Aeromonas genus-specific primers. Aeromonads were detected in lung swab, blood and bone marrow of drowned bodies (n=3), but were negative in these three matrices for all negative controls (n=90) tested. Bone marrow proved to be a suitable alternative matrix and can be sampled post-mortem by an aseptic sternal puncture. In conclusion, this study confirms previous indications that aeromonads in cultures from blood of water bodies can be considered a potential marker for drowning. Given the fact that the number of immersed bodies (drowned and non-drowned) included in this study is statistically not significant, however, more tissue samples need to be investigated to confirm the validity of these methods to aid the diagnosis of death by wet drowning. 相似文献
766.
People have a need to Belief in a Just World (BJW) in which people get what they deserve. When people are confronted with
an event which threatens this BJW (e.g. when they witness a girl falling victim to rape), people try to maintain their existing
beliefs, for example, by blaming the innocent victim for her ill fate. We argue that this defensive process of blaming innocent
victims in essence stems from self-regulatory failure. In accordance with this line of reasoning, our first experiment shows
that when self-regulatory resources were depleted (i.e. in the case of high ego-depletion) before BJW threatening information
describing an innocent victim of a rape crime, the effect of BJW threat on victim blaming amplified. Study 2 shows that when
self-regulation was facilitated by means of self-affirmation after the BJW threatening information, the effect of BJW threat
on victim blaming vanished. Taken together, our findings suggest that coping with BJW threats involve self-regulatory processes
leading to more or less defensive reactions (like blaming innocent victims). When people’s self-regulatory resources are depleted,
they react more negatively to innocent victims when they constitute a stronger threat to the BJW. Facilitating self-regulation,
by means of self-affirmation, enables people to cope with BJW threatening information, thereby inhibiting the urge to blame
innocent victims. 相似文献
767.
768.
The gram-negative aerobic oral bacterial flora of 100 consecutive corpses was isolated. After the identification and culturing of the isolated organisms, blood grouping was performed by the haemagglutination inhibition technique on dried culture smears, the dried culture medium and a dried ethanol extract of the bacteria. Forty-seven of the samples showed a gram-negative aerobic bacterial growth, giving 58 microorganisms of 14 different species. Positive blood grouping results were found in two of them (Escherichia coli and Serratia marcescens), both of type B. It is concluded that occasional mistyping of blood groups on saliva and oral material may be caused by the oral gram-negative aerobic flora, especially if the specimens are contaminated or putrefying. 相似文献
769.
This article argues that the semiotics of the war on terrorism points at a significant shift in United States' discourses
on security. This shift can best be described as a move from defence to prevention or from danger to risk. Whereas the notion
of defence is closely connected to the state of war, this article claims that the war on terrorism instead institutionalises
a permanent state of exception. Building upon Agamben's notion that the state of exception is the non-localisable foundation
of a political order, this article makes two claims. First, it argues that semiotic shifts in United States' security politics
point at a general trend that, to some extent, structures international American interventions. In a sense, the semiotic shifts
in American security discourse declare the United States as the sovereign of the global order: they allow the United States
to exempt itself from the (international) framework of law, while demanding compliance by others. Second, it claims that this
production of American sovereignty is paralleled by reducing the life of (some) individuals to the bare life of homo sacer(life that can be killed without punishment). In the war on terrorism, the production of bare life is mainly brought about
by bureaucratic techniques of risk management and surveillance, which reduce human life to biographic risk profiles. 相似文献
770.