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81.
82.
Netherlands International Law Review - 相似文献
83.
84.
Rogers Richard Salekin Randall T. Sewell Kenneth W. Goldstein Alan Leonard Kathleen 《Law and human behavior》1998,22(4):353-367
Explanatory models of malingering strive to understand the primary motivation underlying attempts to feign. Rogers, Sewell, and Goldstein (1994) provided empirical support for the conceptualization of pathogenic, criminological, and adaptational models. In the current study, a prototypical analysis of 221 forensic experts results in a slightly refined formulation: the adaptational model was decomposed into its two broad dimensions (cost–benefit analysis and adversarial setting). An important finding is that the factor structure for the explanatory models remained stable when applied to both forensic and nonforensic cases. As a first investigation, significant differences were observed in prototypical cases of malingering by the category of referral (forensic or nonforensic) and by type of feigning (mental disorders, cognitive impairment, and medical syndromes). Surprisingly, the feigning of medical syndromes appeared to play a relatively prominent role in both forensic and nonforensic cases and to be influenced by the apparent adversarial context of the assessment. Finally, important gender differences were observed, especially with nonforensic prototypical cases of malingering. 相似文献
85.
Charles L. Davis Matthew J. Gabel Kenneth M. Coleman 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1998,33(2):88-109
This study examines public opinion in Costa Rica and El Salvador regarding regional integration in Central America. Recent
efforts at regional integration as well as the response of the governments of the above countries to those efforts are reviewed.
Public opinion toward regional integration is significantly more positive but less structured in El Salvador than in Costa
Rica. Differences in the international and domestic contexts help to explain the differential responses in these two countries.
Likewise, contextual factors help to account for differences between Central American and European publics in attitudes toward
regional integration.
Charles L. Davis is associate professor of political science at the University of Kentucky. His interests are Latin American
politics and comparative political behavior. Matthew J. Gabel is assistant professor of political science at the University
of Kentucky. His interests are European politics and the politics of regional integration. Kenneth M. Coleman is a former
professor at the University of Kentucky, the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, and the University of New Mexico. His
interests are Latin American politics and public opinion. 相似文献
86.
Kenneth K. Wong 《Public administration review》2008,68(Z1):S175-S185
Federalism in education has undergone significant changes since the Winter Commission. During the early 1990s, federal policy makers faced the challenge of organizational fragmentation and policy incoherence in public education. In the last 15 years, the intergovernmental system has evolved from one that is predominantly compliance‐driven to one that is performance based, as suggested by the congressional adoption of the No Child Left Behind Act in 2001. While the former is often characterized by images of “picket fence” federalism and administrative silos, the latter remains very much a work in progress, with the promise of raising academic proficiency. This paper first examines the paradigm shift and then considers emerging politics in intergovernmental relations. The author explores the ways in which state and local policy makers are altering the rules governing education service provision in response to performance‐based federal expectations. 相似文献
87.
Kenneth Benoit Kevin Munger Arthur Spirling 《American journal of political science》2019,63(2):491-508
Political scientists lack domain‐specific measures for the purpose of measuring the sophistication of political communication. We systematically review the shortcomings of existing approaches, before developing a new and better method along with software tools to apply it. We use crowdsourcing to perform thousands of pairwise comparisons of text snippets and incorporate these results into a statistical model of sophistication. This includes previously excluded features such as parts of speech and a measure of word rarity derived from dynamic term frequencies in the Google Books data set. Our technique not only shows which features are appropriate to the political domain and how, but also provides a measure easily applied and rescaled to political texts in a way that facilitates probabilistic comparisons. We reanalyze the State of the Union corpus to demonstrate how conclusions differ when using our improved approach, including the ability to compare complexity as a function of covariates. 相似文献
88.
Kenneth Pennington 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2015,38(7):543-559
In 2013 Northern Ireland (NI) witnessed the most protracted period of public-disorder ever seen in the United Kingdom. After Belfast City Council voted to fly the Union flag in-line with the manner adopted in the rest of the United Kingdom, loyalist protestors blocked roads, attacked offices, and held marches through Belfast city center. During what became known as Operation Dulcet, police had to respond to the protests and violence, mindful of existing tensions in NI. This article reports on data collected from interviews conducted with officers involved in the policing of these events. The findings demonstrate that the police response was understood using narratives concerning the primacy of human rights, a focus on perceived proportionality, and ultimately, related to the potential violence linked to historic conceptions of community divisions in NI. 相似文献
89.
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Kenneth Weisbrode 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):30-49
This article traces the chronology of the interwar decline of European influence and power, arguing that its origins outside Europe are to be found as much in the paradoxical status of international administration of colonial and post-colonial areas as in the direct challenges posed to European stability by revisionist states in the early 1930s. It demonstrates that an inherent ambivalence toward the interwar colonial world and its relationship to Europe presaged and conditioned the collapse of Europe's own balance of power. 相似文献