全文获取类型
收费全文 | 467篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 42篇 |
世界政治 | 23篇 |
外交国际关系 | 23篇 |
法律 | 172篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 46篇 |
政治理论 | 138篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 12篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 21篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 77篇 |
2012年 | 11篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 14篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 18篇 |
2007年 | 23篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 13篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 21篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 9篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 9篇 |
1997年 | 9篇 |
1996年 | 5篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 6篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
1964年 | 1篇 |
1963年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有476条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
241.
Lynn Mather 《Journal of law and society》2003,30(1):137-155
Governmental assistance for legal representation in civil cases is far greater in the United Kingdom than in the United States of America. This article explores the extent of legal support for low–income Americans, particularly in the area of family law. Examination of the data on self–representation across the United States and over time shows decreased reliance on lawyers. Drawing on institutional and individual perspectives, the article then explores why individuals choose to represent themselves in divorce. What do lawyers add to a divorce besides cost? The article suggests patterns of lawyering depending upon the lawyer and the resources of the client. While some pro se individuals may thrive in the divorce process without the need of a lawyer, others are disadvantaged by the lack of services available to them. The matching process between case needs and legal representation does not work. 相似文献
242.
Lynn A. Stewart Natalie Gabora P. Randall Kropp Zina Lee 《Journal of family violence》2014,29(2):151-164
The following presents the outcome of an evaluation of family violence prevention programs for male offenders. The moderate and high intensity programs were designed and implemented to conform to the Risk-Needs-Responsivity (RNR) principles. Results showed that program participation significantly reduced attitudes that supported violence against women and improved pro-social skills related to non-abusive relationships; treatment effects were moderate to high. Parole officer feedback generally reported positive changes in behavior and attitude associated with treatment. A post-release follow-up indicated that program completion significantly reduced spousal violence and general violent recidivism. Program participation did not, however, have a significant impact on non-violent crime. Results indicate that domestic violence programs respecting the RNR principles may be effective in reducing partner violence. 相似文献
243.
Kerry Carrington Joseph F. Donnermeyer Walter S. DeKeseredy 《Critical Criminology》2014,22(4):463-477
One of the significant shortcomings of the criminological canon, including its critical strands—feminist, cultural and green—has been its urbancentric bias. In this theoretical model, rural communities are idealised as conforming to the typical small-scale traditional societies based on cohesive organic forms of solidarity and close density acquaintance networks. This article challenges the myth that rural communities are relatively crime free places of ‘moral virtue’ with no need for a closer scrutiny of rural context, rural places, and rural peoples about crime and other social problems. This challenge is likewise woven into the conceptual and empirical narratives of the other articles in this Special Edition, which we argue constitute an important body of innovative work, not just for reinvigorating debates in rural criminology, but also critical criminology. For without a critical perspective of place, the realities of context are too easily overlooked. A new criminology of crime and place will help keep both critical criminology and rural criminology firmly anchored in both the sociological and the criminological imagination. We argue that intersectionality, a framework that resists privileging any particular social structural category of analysis, but is cognisant of the power effects of colonialism, class, race and gender, can provide the theoretical scaffolding to further develop such a project. 相似文献
244.
245.
Lynn T. White III 《当代中国》2013,22(83):791-811
Governance is a hot topic in China, as well as among political scientists. Ways of thinking about it can be improved. This essay offers a ‘neo-functionalist’ method to test for successful or unsuccessful governance of reform stability in China. It takes account of the need for participation in effective governance. Steering a state (or any part of a state) requires attention to multiple sizes of polity—especially several medial sizes in a country as large as China. Governance has varied over time during the ‘reform’ era, when anti-reform conservatives have remained important in many nested political networks. The paper shows variation of governance over time, over sizes of polity and over four sample governance functions: managing the economy, maintaining orderly stability, linking ‘social’ parts of the polity to the government, and choosing cadres. It shows how these categories exhaust a logical field that is at least implicit in any analysis of governance roles, and it suggests the value of a ‘circulation of elites’ paradigm when thinking about governance success or failure. 相似文献
246.
Kerry Brown 《北京周报(英文版)》2013,56(16):18-19
Leaders in business and politics gather for worldwide conference The theme of this year’s Boao Forum for Asia, the 12th since its inception at the turn of the millennium, was common prosperity. Under this overarching theme,discussions focused on food, resources, water, poverty, disease and environmental pollution. The message of the conference was positive. The ongoing economic problems since 2008 were slightly less addressed. The euro zone has not 相似文献
247.
Kerry Ann Rockquemore 《Women & Performance》2013,23(1):17-32
This essay examines U.S.-based lesbian and gay activism from the turn of 1980 with a focus on tensions between models of activism based in unapologetic demands for visibility versus concerns about the contradictions presented by the recognition of lesbian and gay identities within a punitive political order. The author crafts this historical narrative alongside and through readings of Gus Van Sant's 2008 film Milk and Lizzie Borden's 1983 film Born in Flames. The essay analyzes how Milk showcases the politics of gay liberalism at its most militant, while Born in Flames highlights a variety of radical feminist activisms. The essay also looks at how the styles of each film bring into focus some of the ways in which liberal and radical lesbian and gay movements of the period limited their engagement with race and racism. The essay then considers how both films thematize the uses of communicative media in the production of social movements. It concludes by asking how these films might provide an opportunity to think about activist history today. 相似文献
248.
Kerry Brown 《北京周报(英文版)》2013,56(7):16-17
The China-Japan dispute over the Diaoyu Islands is a global concern.It is said that "good fences make good neighbors." One of the longstanding political traits of human behavior is to create territorial certainty,especially since the decline of nomadic societies.However,disputes over territories are still the main cause of serious conflicts,some of which lead to violence between communities and countries. 相似文献
249.
Kerry Brown 《北京周报(英文版)》2017,60(25)
Some nine months have elapsed since the last G20 meeting. What has changed? What has stayed the same? The temptation would be to emphasize the things that have happened and to understate the issues that have remained the same. 相似文献
250.