Distribution of Enantiomers of Methadone and Its Main Metabolite EDDP in Human Tissues and Blood of Postmortem Cases

Knowledge concerning the distribution of methadone in postmortem human tissue and the effect of postmortem redistribution on methadone is today limited making the choice of a suitable substitute for femoral blood difficult when this is not available. Cardiac blood, femoral blood, muscle, and brain tissue concentrations of the enantiomers of methadone and its metabolite 2‐ethyl‐1,5‐dimethyl‐3,3‐diphenylpyrrolinium were recorded for 155 postmortem cases. Brain and muscle tissue concentrations exceeded the femoral blood concentrations with a median fold of 2.3 and 1.6, respectively, but both had a better correlation than cardiac blood to femoral blood concentrations. The Kruskal–Wallis test showed a significant dependency on time and body mass index for some of the matrix ratios over femoral blood. We conclude brain or muscle tissue may constitute a better alternative for measurement of methadone than cardiac blood for situations in which femoral blood is not available, despite concentrations in both matrices being systematically higher.     

Strategic Planning and Management in Local Government in Norway: Status after Three Decades

Strategic planning and management was introduced in the public sector more than three decades ago and has become a core component in many new public management reforms. Although strategy has been widely adopted in the public sector, the knowledge base regarding its practices and its impacts remains scarce, particularly outside Anglo‐American countries. This article replicates an American and British survey by analysing the adoption and impacts of strategic planning and management in Norwegian municipalities. The results show that, in 2012, a majority of the Norwegian municipalities used strategic planning and management, and that the respondents viewed the impact positively overall. Municipalities that had chosen the strategic stance of prospector and had financial resources from positive net operating results margin adopted strategic planning and management more than other municipalities. Municipalities with a high degree of strategic management and high stakeholder involvement had better perceived impacts of strategic planning than other municipalities.     

A Moveable Place With A Moveable Past: Perspectives on Central Europe

This paper discusses whether the region which in the 1990s has been called "the Visegrád Four" is a political and/or cultural whole and if so, in what respects. Using the concepts "centre" and "periphery" the paper argues that parts of contemporary Central Europe were political and cultural centres of the European civilisation in previous eras. The interpretation and use of this past in the Central European states' contemporary endeavour to join NATO and the EU is discussed. That historical chronology is superseded by what may be labelled the "mythological presence" of things past is especially noted.     

Direct Democracy and its Critics: Support for Direct Democracy and ‘Stealth’ Democracy in Finland

In this article support for direct democracy and for stealth democracy in Finland is analysed. Stealth democracy represents a step towards a democracy in which there would be even less citizen involvement than in the representative form of today's democracy. The authors found that both options gained significant support among the Finnish electorate. Additionally, they found that it is mostly the same variables that contribute to the probability of citizens being supporters of either direct democracy or stealth democracy. It is the people with less education, who do not know much about politics and who feel that the current system does not respond to citizens' needs, that want change. The direction of change appears to be a matter of secondary interest. Political ideology affects which of the two options respondents favour. Right-wing citizens are more likely to favour stealth democracy. Citizens leaning to the left are more interested in direct democracy.     

Location, Location, Location: An MCMC Approach to Modeling the Spatial Context of War and Peace

This article demonstrates how spatially dependent data witha categorical response variable can be addressed in a statisticalmodel. We introduce the idea of an autologistic model wherethe response for one observation is dependent on the value ofthe response among adjacent observations. The autologistic modelhas likelihood function that is mathematically intractable,since the observations are conditionally dependent upon oneanother. We review alternative techniques for estimating thismodel, with special emphasis on recent advances using Markovchain Monte Carlo (MCMC) techniques. We evaluate a highly simplifiedautologistic model of conflict where the likelihood of war involvementfor each nation is conditional on the war involvement of proximatestates. We estimate this autologistic model for a single year(1988) via maximum pseudolikelihood and MCMC maximum likelihoodmethods. Our results indicate that the autologistic model fitsthe data much better than an unconditional model and that theMCMC estimates generally dominate the pseudolikelihood estimates.The autologistic model generates predicted probabilities greaterthan 0.5 and has relatively good predictive abilities in anout-of-sample forecast for the subsequent decade (1989 to 1998),correctly identifying not only ongoing conflicts, but also newones.     

Why Democracies May Actually Be Less Reliable Allies

Recent research builds on the observation that democracies have more durable alliances to argue that democracies make more reliable allies. This need not be the case. Alliances serve as commitment devices, adding ex ante credibility to states' claims about ex post behavior. Variation in alliance durability must reflect differences in the desirability of formalizing alignments. Put simply, democracies are "most improved" by formal commitments. We offer two related explanations for why democracies might actually be less reliable alliance partners. Information costs for participating in policymaking and the advantages of organized interest groups combined with distributional incentives generated by the periodic turnover of governments may conspire to make informal commitments on the part of democracies problematic. Determining the net effect of democratic virtue and vice is best done empirically. We test alliance reliability by focusing on intervention, rather than on the duration or the number of commitments. Our results suggest that democracies make less reliable allies.     

From prison guards to… what? Occupational development of prison officers in Sweden and Norway

Prison officers are a key group of civil servants in the criminal justice system. Based on a comparative study of the systems for vocational education in Sweden and Norway, this article compares policies and strategies for developing the prison officer occupation. Differences in this domain are analysed against the backdrop of theories about professionalization and growing differences between these countries concerning the ends and means of prison policy in general. Data come from interviews and documents collected in 2013–2014, as well as a rereading of data from two earlier prison-research projects. Results show that Norway is adopting a strategy quite similar to the one behind the birth of the so-called welfare professions during the heyday of the social-democratic welfare state. In Sweden, the continuing division of labour is leading to enhanced skills among some specialized subgroups, such as security and programme staff, but a reduction in qualifications for the majority. The study should be of interest in relation to different strategies for developing the work of prison officers as well as of other categories of public servants. It points to growing differences between two welfare regimes that used to be quite similar, not least concerning the prison policy field.     

“They Have Achieved a Lot Because we Have Paid Them to do a Lot”: NGOs and the International Community in the West Balkans. Perceptions of Each Other

Strengthening civil society has had a prominent place in the international community's strategy for the West Balkans. Rather than creating an independent and sustainable NGO sector, however, it has made local NGOs largely dependent on the international community for funding and other assistance. This article examines the international community's perceptions of local NGOs and vice versa, drawing on findings from 60 in-depth interviews with representatives of the international community and 18 focus groups with NGO representatives in Bosnia & Herzegovina, Macedonia and Serbia. While the international community is fairly positive towards the NGO sector, the NGOs are more critical of the international community, and particularly so in Macedonia. Perceptions are shaped by a number of individual and organisational factors as well as by the international community's overall agenda in the region.