Detection and validated quantification of 21 benzodiazepines and 3 "z-drugs" in human hair by LC-MS/MS

A method for detection and quantification of 21 benzodiazepines and the pharmacologically related "z-drugs" in human hair samples was developed and fully validated using liquid chromatography coupled to tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS). After methanolic and methanolic/aqueous extraction, the analytes were separated using two different LC-MS systems (AB Sciex 3200 QTRAP and AB Sciex 5500 QTRAP). Separation columns, mobile phases and MS modes for both systems were: Phenomenex Kinetex, 2.6 μm, 50/2.1; 5mM ammonium formate buffer pH 3.5/methanol, total flow 0.75 mL/min; electrospray ionization (ESI), multiple reaction monitoring (MRM), information dependent acquisition (IDA), enhanced product ion scan (EPI). The assays were found to be selective for the tested compounds (alprazolam, 7-aminoclonazepam, 7-aminoflunitrazepam, bromazepam, chlordiazepoxide, clonazepam, N-desalkylflurazepam, diazepam, flunitrazepam, flurazepam, alpha-hydroxymidazolam, lorazepam, lormetazepam, midazolam, nitrazepam, nordazepam, oxazepam, phenazepam, prazepam, temazepam, triazolam, zaleplon, zolpidem and zopiclone), all validation criteria were in the required ranges according to international guidelines, except for bromazepam. Matrix effects, and process efficiencies were in the acceptable ranges evaluated using the post-extraction addition approach. Lower limits of quantification were between 0.6 and 16 pg/mg of hair. The LC-MS/MS assay has proven to be applicable for determination of the studied analytes in human hair in numerous authentic cases (n=175).     

More Sanctions – Less Prison? A Research Note on the Severity of Sanctions Proposed by Survey Participants and how it is Affected by the Option to Combine a Prison Term with Other Sanctions

Public opinion has come to be given an increasingly important role in the crime policy debate of western countries. The task of problematising different pictures that emerges from different studies of public opinion on appropriate sentences thus becomes an important task. In this article the question is whether survey respondents, in their choice of reactions to crime, tend to propose shorter prison sentences when they combine the prison term with other measures? If so, different response instructions can lead to different conclusions as to what survey participants consider to be appropriate sentences. Earlier research points at such tendencies to some extent. In order to examine this question, two comparisons will be made. In the first, survey respondents who chose to combine a prison sentence with other measures is compared with those who chose to propose a prison sentence as the only sanction. In the second, participant who were instructed to only propose a single sanction will be compared with those who were given the opportunity to combine two sanctions. Both comparisons are made with regard to the lengths of the proposed prison sentences. No systematic differences emerge. The correlation between the length of prison term proposed and the choice, or opportunity given, to combine the prison term with other measures varies, for example, across the different offences examined. The choice of appropriate reactions to crime is based on a more advanced deliberation than whether different sanctions may be combined.     

Turning defiance into compliance with procedural justice: Understanding reactions to regulatory encounters through motivational posturing

This paper uses Braithwaite's motivational posturing framework to explain how individuals react to encounters with regulatory authorities. Of interest is whether procedural justice can reduce defiance and improve self‐reported compliance among individuals who are either resistant or dismissive of regulatory authority. Using longitudinal survey data collected from tax offenders (Study 1), and individuals who had a recent police‐citizen interaction (Study 2), it will be shown that procedural justice can promote compliance behavior. Procedural justice is also found to be effective for reducing resistant forms of defiance over time, but not dismissive defiance. Further, the results reveal that neither resistant defiance nor dismissive defiance moderate the effect of procedural justice on compliance, suggesting procedural justice works equally well for both low and high resisters and low and high disengagers. Finally, an unexpected result reveals that resistance, but not dismissive defiance, mediates the effect of procedural justice on self‐reported compliance behavior. The findings have implications for procedural justice research and for the regulation of defiance.     

Promoting Muslims’ Willingness to Report Terror Threats to Police: Testing Competing Theories of Procedural Justice

The heightened threat of terrorism in the West has resulted in more power being granted to police. However, new anti-terror laws and heavy-handed policing practices can stigmatize Muslim communities. Using survey data from 800 Australian Muslims this paper examines whether procedural justice policing in counter-terrorism enhances Muslims’ feelings of social inclusion, and promotes their intentions to report terror threats to police. Of interest is how procedural justice influences Muslims who feel less socially included. Three competing theoretical frameworks differ in the predictions they make about when and why procedural justice influences excluded groups. This paper considers each framework and discusses how each explains the relationships between our variables of interest. Our findings show that procedural justice is positively associated with social inclusion and intentions to report terror threats to police. Findings also show that social inclusion both moderates and partially mediates the effect of procedural justice on reporting intentions.     

Streiflichter zum Verhältnis von Parlamentsakten und EMRK

Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Beziehung zwischen Parlamentsakten und der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention. Dabei wird beleuchtet, wie verschiedene Parlamentsakte in ein Spannungsverhältnis zu den Vorgaben der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention treten können. Die vorliegende Arbeit behandelt die maßgebliche Rechtslage hinsichtlich der österreichischen Parlamente bzw deren Mitglieder auf Bundes- sowie Landesebene.     

Multidrug poisoning involving nicotine and tramadol

A fatal case of multidrug poisoning by tramadol and nicotine is reported. Tramadol is a centrally acting analgesic used in the treatment of moderate to severe acute or chronic pain. Nicotine, a lipid-soluble alkaloid, is one of the most readily available drugs in modern society. A 46-year-old man was found dead in his bed, and a suicide note was discovered near the body. He had 25 transdermal nicotine patches attached to his thorax and abdomen. Two half emptied bottles were found on the bedside table; the toxicological examination revealed that they contained tobacco and nicotine as well as other drugs such as diphenhydramine. At autopsy, areas of fresh and old myocardial infarction as well as diffuse pulmonary congestion and edema were present. The tramadol concentration was 6.6 μg/mL in femoral venous blood, while levels of nicotine and its primary metabolite cotinine were determined to be 0.6 and 2.0 μg/mL in femoral venous blood. Based on these results, we determined the cause of death to be cardiorespiratory failure induced by the additive effects of tramadol and nicotine shortly after consumption.     

When Free Traders Become Protectionists: Constituent Advocacy at the International Trade Commission

Although Members of Congress vote on few trade bills, they participate regularly in venues such as the International Trade Commission (ITC), where important trade policy decisions are made. We assert that once removed from the voting chambers of Congress, legislators are motivated overwhelmingly by the desire to advance constituents’ trade policy interests, even those that contradict the member’s established positions on trade. Utilizing an original dataset on legislator participation in antidumping cases, we find that both Democratic and Republican members advocate protection at the ITC when they have numerous firms and constituents in their district who benefit from trade restrictions, particularly when they receive sizeable financial contributions from them. Notably, self‐proclaimed free‐traders are just as likely to seek protection for their constituents as are trade opponents. Away from Capitol Hill, then, trade policymaking exhibits few partisan and ideological influences and serves as a means for members to expand political support. [Correction added on 21 August 2018, after first online publication: Abstract was added to article]