Are the powers of traditional leaders in South Africa compatible with women’s equal rights?: Three conceptual arguments

This paper is about conflicts of rights, and the particularly difficult challenges that such conflicts present when they entail women’s equality and claims of cultural recognition. South Africa since 1994 has presented a series of challenging—but by no means unique—circumstances many of which entail conflicting claims of rights. The central aim of this paper is, to make sense of the idea that the institution of traditional leadership can be sustained—and indeed given new, more concrete powers—in a democracy; and to explore the implications that this has for women’s equality and equal human rights. This is a particularly pertinent question in the South African context, and I think it is worth reiterating from the outset that there is a distinct impression that women’s equality is always “up for grabs” when other, perhaps more powerful interests, come into play, in a way that would be unacceptable for other aspects of identity, and therefore signifiers of equality. It would be inconceivable, for example, to countenance a claim for a hierarchical racial arrangement in a given community, no matter how deeply culturally entrenched that arrangement was, and regardless of how much support it (ostensibly) had from the community concerned. I think therefore that we are obliged to ask difficult questions about the new legislation on traditional leadership, and to put it under the microscope of political theory in assessing the claim that this is one way of recognizing people’s rights and freedoms in a new democracy. The Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act 2003, omits reference to the “powers” of traditional leaders, but rather refers to “functions and roles” which was regarded as something of a victory for women’s rights groups. However, the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE) and others point out that this victory has been all but nullified by the Communal Land Rights Act, 2004, which allocates powers of land administration to traditional councils, which are headed by traditional leaders. In any event, the “functions and roles” that traditional leaders are allocated in terms of the 2003 Act are sufficiently extensive that they may be seen to allocate “power” with the reference to lesser competence appearing to be a mere semantic device for the sake of compromise.     

Innovativer Föderalismus? – Das österreichische Naturschutzrecht zwischen Deregulierungsdruck und Europäisierung

Die Angelegenheiten des Natur- und Landschaftsschutzes stellen im Bundesstaat ?sterreich eine wichtige und vergleichsweise abgerundete Landeskompetenz dar. Sie sind in den Kompetenzartikeln der Bundesverfassung nicht ausdrücklich erw?hnt und fallen daher unter die Generalklausel des Art. 15 Abs. 1 der Bundesverfassung (B-VG) und damit in die ausschlie?liche Zust?ndigkeit der L?nder in Gesetzgebung und Vollziehung. Dies bedeutet freilich nicht, dass in der Praxis nicht zahlreiche Abgrenzungsfragen auftauchen würden, weil eine Vielzahl von Umweltschutzkompetenzen, wie etwa das Wasserrecht und das Forstrecht der Gesetzgebungskompetenz des Bundes zugewiesen sind.     

What does it mean to be a moderate Muslim in the war on terror? Muslim interpretations and reactions

The rhetorical use of labels in the war on terror has become an important tactic post 9/11. One such example is the deployment of the categories of “moderate” and “extremist” within counterterrorism discourse, with Muslims distinguished as either friend or foe based on this dichotomy. The moderate Muslim label is a relational term, only making sense when it is contrasted with what is seen as non-moderate (i.e., extremism). Such binary constructs carry a range of implicit assumptions about what is regarded as an acceptable form of Islam and the risks posed by the Islamic religion and Muslim communities. In this article, we explore the implications of this labelling for Muslim communities. In particular, we explore the interpretations Muslims themselves accord to the dichotomy of moderate and extremist and consider whether the use of such binary terms is at all helpful as a way of rallying Muslims to the cause of tackling terrorism and radicalisation. We draw on focus group data collected from Muslims living in Australia to inform our analysis.     

Attitudes on the Responsibility for Child Safety: Key Child Protection Worker Characteristics

The child protection workers’ attitude toward responsibility for child safety is complex and requires further examination. Using the Quality Improvement Project on Differential Response data from Illinois we examined the characteristics that influence worker attitude towards child safety. The attitude variable measures workers’ belief in family responsibility for child safety compared to state responsibility for child safety. Regression analyses suggest that self-perception of skills, confidence in community resources, confidence in the child protection system, and worker age significantly predict worker attitude. Findings support organizations to direct resources towards shifting attitudes in the direction that favors agency mandate and needs.     

Exploring gender differences in constellations of problem behaviors and associated health-related factors during adolescence

Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), this study expands on previous research on adolescent problem behavior by (1) examining gender differences in patterns or ‘subgroups’ of adolescents based on self-reported problem behaviors and (2) identifying differences in health-related factors including service utilization, physical and mental health, and violent victimization across the identified gender-specific subgroups. The data used in this study were taken from Wave 2 of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) data and includes respondents under the age of 18 (n?=?10,360). Based on 16 problem behavior items measuring delinquency, substance use, risky sexual practices, and status offending, latent class analyses identified a 4-class model for the male subsample and a 3-class model for the female subsample. Important differences in health-related factors were observed across the latent classes. However, these differences were fairly consistent for boys and girls. Implications for prevention and intervention strategies, specifically focusing on the intersection of juvenile justice and public health services, are discussed.     

Violence at Work—The Emergence of a Social Problem

This article analyses trends in violence at work on the basis of victim surveys, work-environment surveys, and press material. It proceeds from the two most common explanations of why violence at work appears to have increased over recent decades. These emphasize shifts in working conditions that have increased employees' victimization risk, and a broadened view of what is regarded as work-related violence. The empirical analyses provide support for both these explanations, and the various dimensions examined—increased reporting propensities, expanded definitions, a reduced tolerance of violence, and altered working conditions—are linked to one another.     

The trade and fiscal impact of EU/ACP economic partnership agreements on West African countries

The European Union is currently negotiating free trade agreements, called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), with African countries as part of the Cotonou Agreement between the European Union and African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The paper empirically assesses the impact of the EPAs on trade flows and government revenue for 14 West African countries. The results indicate that the decline in import duties due to the preferential tariff elimination might be of some cause for concern and that complementary fiscal and economic policies have to be implemented before or at the time the EPAs come into force.     

Global and Local Health Governance: Civil society,human rights and hiv/aids

From the outset in the mid-1980s the international response to hiv/aids has been characterised by an emphasis on the human rights aspects of the pandemic, and on recognition of the pivotal role of civil society actors (csos). But how the rights-based conception of hiv/aids and the international legitimation of csos play out at the local level depends not only on the vertical coordination between global and local levels but also on government–cso relations and the understanding of the pandemic in individual countries. South Africa and Cambodia provide comparative examples of ‘glocalised’ responses to hiv/aids. Both countries were among the hardest hit in their respective regions. But, while the South African government was slow to acknowledge the severity of epidemic, the Cambodian leadership quickly initiated a comprehensive response to it. The two cases illustrate how opportunity structures at the international and national levels created different local responses to hiv/aids, with significant consequences for the epidemic over time.