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91.
Kristina Großmann 《当代亚洲杂志》2018,48(5):835-854
ABSTRACTThis article elaborates on the functionalities of Facebook and WhatsApp, and the possibilities and limitations of their usage in the anti-mining campaign in Bangka, Indonesia, with special focus on the participation and offline–online intertwining of communication processes. The research reported in this article contributes to a deeper understanding of the relationship between social media and political protest in the context of discriminatory natural resource extraction in Indonesia. In 2017, the alliance against the mining activities of the Chinese company PT Mikgro Metal Perdana in Bangka, which consisted of villagers, activists, tourism operators and divers, succeeded in ousting PT MMP from Bangka. Social media enhanced mobilisation, communication, knowledge transfer, transparency, and solidarity in this anti-mining campaign. Through WhatsApp, the rapid transmission of information and communication was facilitated when urgent action was needed. The Facebook group Save Bangka Island not only provided general information but also enhanced solidarity, cohesion and the creation of an “imagined community.” However, it is also found that social media sites are stratified spaces where villagers – the primary affected group – are excluded because of their lack of Internet access. 相似文献
92.
93.
Helga Jesser-Huß 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2011,24(11):349-364
Am 23. Februar 2011 ist das Bundesgesetz über den Verbraucherschutz bei Teilzeitnutzungs- und Nutzungsvergünstigungsverträgen, BGBl I 2011/8, in Kraft getreten. Der nachstehende Beitrag erläutert das Regelungsanliegen der neuen ?Timesharing“-Richtlinie (RL 2008/122/EG), zu deren Umsetzung das TNG erlassen wurde, und gibt einen Überblick über den Regelungsinhalt der RL sowie der österr Umsetzung. 相似文献
94.
95.
The analysis of sharp and persistent reductions of current account deficits, which can be characterized as the transition
from an unsustainable to a more sustainable level of current account balance, relies often on ad hoc criteria for identification
of reversal episodes. Within this paper, an empirical framework in terms of a regime switching approach is presented allowing
simultaneous identification of current account reversal episodes and their determinants. Additionally, this approach is extended
towards analysis of the impact of a reversal on the path of economic growth. Empirical investigation of a panel containing
developing countries suggests a different timing of reversals compared to timing delivered by ad hoc criteria. However, several
determinants of reversals discussed in the literature remain valid. Our estimates of costs implied by the occurrence of a
current account reversal amount to a severe reduction of economic growth, where output costs are found to vary largely across
countries. 相似文献
96.
97.
Gert‐Joachim Glaeßner 《German politics》2013,22(2):185-200
After the accession of the GDR to the Federal Republic, the transfer of institutions and personnel from the west to the east, especially the transformation of a ‘cadre‐administration’ into a modern western‐type public administration ranked very high on the political agenda. This article presents some findings from a research project on ‘Administrative Culture in East Germany’, conducted in the states of Brandenburg and Saxony. The questions to be addressed are whether one could speak of a total replacement of eastern and western élites during the process of unification. What are the results of élite transfer from the west? What is the composition of the new administrative elites in the east German Länder? Are there significantly different political perceptions by ‘easterners’ and ‘westerners’ of the problems confronting public administrators? 相似文献
98.
Lisa Groß 《Democratization》2013,20(5):912-936
In this contribution we conceptualize the under-investigated interplay between external and domestic actors in democracy promotion. We first propose a typology of the instruments and means used both by external and domestic actors to influence reform outputs and then trace these instruments' effects on outcomes, thereby expanding the existing concepts of domestic agency. Although democracy promotion continues to be a rather asymmetric relationship between the “donors” and “receivers” of aid and advice, domestic actors employ a wide array of instruments to manage external demands for reform, including diplomacy, take-over, slowdown, modification, resistance, and emancipation. The article draws on a case study of European Union democracy promotion within two reform initiatives in the field of Public Administration Reform (PAR) in Croatia. 相似文献
99.
100.
Jens Großer Ernesto Reuben Agnieszka Tymula 《American journal of political science》2013,57(3):582-597
We experimentally study the common wisdom that money buys political influence. In the game, one special interest (i.e., a corporate firm) has the opportunity to influence redistributive tax policies in her favor by transferring money to two competing candidates. The success of the investment depends on whether or not the candidates are willing and able to collude on low‐tax policies that do not harm their relative chances in the elections. In the experiment, successful political influence never materializes when the firm and candidates interact just once. By contrast, it yields substantially lower redistribution in about 40% of societies with finitely repeated encounters. However, investments are not always profitable, and profit sharing between the firm and candidates depends on prominent equity norms. Our experimental results shed new light on the complex process of buying political influence in everyday politics and help explain why only relatively few firms do actually attempt to influence policymaking. 相似文献