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Harkins L Beech AR 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2008,52(1):31-45
This study examines the relationship between recidivism rates, therapeutic climate, and composition of offenders in group-based cognitive-behavioral treatment (CBT) for sexual offenders. The Group Environment Scale (GES) is employed to measure social climate. The GES is administered to 73 male sexual offenders in groups of those who only victimized adults or children (five groups) or men who both victimized adults and those who victimized children (five groups). Group environment is not found to differ significantly as a function of group composition. Group member's ratings on the GES are in the medium to high range, indicating a generally positive group environment. Although the group environment overall does not differ between groups, groups do differ significantly in terms of expressiveness. There are no differences in recidivism rates between groups as a function of group composition. The results are discussed in the light of mixing child molesters and rapists in group-based CBT. 相似文献
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Langton CM Barbaree HE Harkins L Peacock EJ Arenovich T 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2008,23(10):1363-1379
Among a number of widely used risk assessment instruments with adult sexual offenders, the Minnesota Sex Offender Screening Tool-Revised (MnSOST-R) has been subject to relatively few evaluation studies. Only two independent research groups have published replication studies in the peer-reviewed literature with data not provided by the MnSOST-R's developers, and the results regarding the accuracy of predicting sexual recidivism have been mixed. In this article, important differences between the Barbaree et al. and Langton et al. studies are presented. Analyses reported for the various subsets comprising these two samples indicate that coding discrepancies in the Barbaree et al. study account for the different findings, with a moderate level of predictive accuracy using the Receiver Operating Characteristic curve ultimately found for the MnSOST-R in both data sets. 相似文献
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Jenny Tew Leigh Harkins Louise Dixon 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2015,26(2):166-184
This study assessed the reliability and validity of the Hare Self-Report Psychopathy Scale (Hare SRP) and the short form of the measure in a UK prison sample, using the Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R) as a reference measure. The Hare SRP and PCL-R were compared for 107 UK adult male prisoners. The SRP and SRP-SF total scores depicted excellent levels of internal consistency and homogeneity and correlated with each other with significant and large effects sizes. Total scores correlated with PCL-R total scores producing medium effect sizes and were significantly predictive of PCL-R total scores with small effect sizes. Implications for practice are discussed. 相似文献
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J. Paul Leigh 《Public Choice》1994,78(3-4):373-387
In this study, the distribution of inspection laws across states is endogenously determined by the relative strengths of lobbying groups within states. Previous studies that treat the laws as exogenous and find a 5 to 15 percent reduction in fatalities may have produced biased results. A selection bias model is developed in which non-random assignment is taken into account. Two equations are estimated: one explaining how many inspections are required, and the other explaining the effects of the inspections on fatalities per capita. Using single-equation techniques, results are obtained that are similar to prior studies. In the two-equation model that accounts for non-random assignment, inspection laws are not found to significantly reduce fatalities per capita. 相似文献
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Unemployment and highway fatalities 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
We considered unemployment, an often overlooked covariate of highway fatalities, hypothesizing that (1) as unemployment rises, aggregate driving decreases, especially among the unemployed, and as driving decreases, fatalities should decrease; (2) unemployment may influence drinking--some among the unemployed may drink less due to lower incomes, while others may drink more due to stress so the net effect would be ambiguous; and (3) unemployment may increase aggregate levels of stress and unhappiness, which can result in poor concentration on driving and thus, in turn, should result in more accidents and deaths. We used data from fifty states and the District of Columbia from 1976-1980, representing 255 observations. (No prior study has as many observations or controls for as many covariates.) Using econometric models of the data, we present evidence for two of the three hypothesized effects of unemployment. We conclude that, if the number of miles driven is held constant, worsening unemployment leads to higher fatality rates, most likely due to stress effects. But because more unemployment means less driving, increases in unemployment, on balance, are associated with decreases in fatalities. 相似文献
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Jessica Leigh Doyle 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2016,43(3):403-422
Since the early 1990s support for civil society has constituted the linchpin of international efforts in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) to promote democratisation and democratic values. The rationale for this support lies in an understanding of civil society drawn from a liberal-democratic model, which dominates debates about civil society. This paper highlights the inaccuracies of this model when applied to the MENA and, using Turkey as an example, draws attention to the perils of supporting civil society organisations (CSOs) based on its conjectures. A critical analysis of CSOs and their role in Turkish society, drawing on the theoretical framework laid down by Gramsci, highlights two key issues: (1) contrary to the dominant policy view which equates civil society organisations with democracy, CSOs often assist elites in both democratic and undemocratic states to extend and consolidate their political economic power; (2) the idealisation of civil society by Western policy makers results in a diminished awareness of the factors which weaken civil society and erodes its democratic potential. Overall, the findings support the assertion that CSOs in the MENA facilitate predominantly elite interests over those of ordinary citizens and democracy more broadly. 相似文献