The Erosion of Party Politics in Britain

This article looks at the erosion of democratic practice enacted by "New" Labour in Britain under the leadership of Tony Blair. Building on the internal reforms of the 1980s, the process of Labour Party "modernization" has created an exclusive, top-down managerial style of leadership. This type of party leadership and management has far-reaching implications for British politics more generally, not least the role of political parties. The current crisis of the Conservatives and the destruction of representative democracy within the Labour Party pose serious questions regarding the medium-term future of parties as voluntary membership organizations. These changes are placed in the context of a possible longer-term transformation of British political structures in order to exchange the long-established administration of the Conservative Party for a new type of governmental machinery. The aim is not a new "traditional" party of government, but a partyless formation built around a dominant central presidential figure and his office—a change which necessitates abolishing the Labour Party and social democracy as they currently exist. It is argued that this anticipated remedy to a protracted crisis of the British state accords closely to the requirements of neoliberal economic management, while drawing upon developments in the wider global environment. However, if this is to succeed, Blair's "modernizing" tendency needs to be able to articulate a coherent ideology that strikes a popular chord. Thus far, Blair's managerial approach to politics may have scored a few points against the old party ideologies, but it has also undermined attempts to promote an alternative ideology—even one of a "partyless" nature.     

Asia-Pacific news

This column provides a country by country analysis of the latest legal developments, cases and issues relevant to the IT, media and telecommunications' industries in key jurisdictions across the Asia Pacific region. The articles appearing in this column are intended to serve as ‘alerts’ and are not submitted as detailed analyses of cases or developments.     

Beyond COVID-19: Five commentaries on reimagining governance for future crises and resilience

Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This second suite of commentaries considers the challenges confronting governments as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and in the decades to come with an increasingly broad lens: the need to understand and rethink the architecture of the state given recent and future challenges awaiting governments; the need to rethink government-civil society relations and policies to deliver services for increasingly diverse citizens and communities; the need for new repertoires and sensibilities on the part of governments for recognizing, anticipating, and engaging on governance risks despite imperfect expert knowledge and public skepticism; how the COVID-19 crisis has caused us to reconceive international and sub-national borders where new “borders” are being drawn; and the need to anticipate a steady stream of crises similar to the COVID-19 pandemic arising from climate change and related challenges, and develop new national and international governance strategies for fostering population and community resilience.     

Determining security level in forensic psychiatry: a tug of war between the DUNDRUM toolkit and the HoNOS-Secure

ABSTRACT

Criteria to determine in which level of security forensic patients should receive treatment are currently non-existent in Belgium. Research regarding the assessment of security level is minimal, and limited instruments are available. This study investigated the instruments that measure the need for security level: DUNDRUM-1 and the HoNOS-Secure. The psychometric properties of the DUNDRUM-1, DUNDRUM-2 and the HoNOS-Secure were investigated.

A random selection was made of 100 male forensic patients in prison. The DUNDRUM-1, DUNDRUM-2 and the HoNOS-Secure were scored retrospectively. A subsample of the files was rated by four researchers (n?=?38). Comparisons were made with the security level as decided by the court.

The DUNDRUM-1 achieved excellent inter-rater reliability, and the HoNOS-Secure and DUNDRUM-2 got a moderate score. The internal consistency was highest for DUNDRUM-1 followed by the HoNOS-Secure and was low for the DUNDRUM-2. Both the DUNDRUM-1 and the HoNOS-Secure predicted allocations by the court to high security.

The DUNDRUM-1 outperforms the HoNOS-Secure on psychometric properties and provides clear instructions with regard to the assessment of the security level. Training seems to be important for scoring the DUNDRUM-1. The current study provided more evidence for the applicability of the DUNDRUM-1 in Belgian settings with regard to determining the need for security.     

The new global network of corporate power and the decline of national self-determination

The cold war years witnessed the steady deterioration of America's machine tool base and the start of the migration of U.S. production into Third World countries. Not merely America but also the very core of Western production was and still is going global. Quite recently a new development appears, namely, public and private sector corporations from once peripheral and semi-peripheral areas moving assembly plant production into North America and parts of Europe, and some of them have already purchased a number of American corporations which had not gone global. As the old center deteriorates, the once peripheral and semi-peripheral enterprises close in on it forming the present global corporate network — one which locks all national economies into the global economy and increasingly renders nations powerless to control their own socioeconomic destiny. In a very real sense, with the possible exception of nations that control giant public sector multinational firms, all nations are becoming peripheral, but peripheral to the new supranational network of corporate power. These complex processes which followed unerringly from corporate delinquencies of the cold war mean that the mainstream theories of global development as enunciated by Andre Gundar Frank, Samir Amin and Immanuel Wallerstein, for example, require overhauling. This paper expands this thesis and offers an alternative to contemporary global development theories.     

Curbing Chinese missile sales: From imposing to negotiating China’s adherence to the MTCR

This article explores and assesses the ongoing American effort to elicit Chinese adherence to the guidelines and parameters of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). In 1991 and 1992, the United States employed mainly economic pressure in pursuit of this goal, an approach that resulted in China’s first written commitment to respect the regime’s restrictions. Subsequently, although economic pressure has remained the primary tool, Washington has also begun of necessity to discuss Chinese proliferation concerns, American arms sales to Taiwan in particular. This development led to China’s reaffirmation of its MTCR commitment in 1994. Despite these agreements, however, this aspect of the Sino-American relationship remains fraught with potential problems and will require sustained diplomatic attention in the future.     

Government Shekels without Government Shackles? The Administrative Challenges of Charitable Choice

As President Bush plans to expand "Charitable Choice," civil libertarians worry that the legislation is part of a new assault on separation of church and state. Religious Right activists demand assurances that funds will not flow to groups like the Nation of Islam or Scientologists. African American pastors in urban areas—arguably the main targets of the initiative—are concerned that "government shekels" will be accompanied by "government shackles," that the costs and regulatory burdens accompanying collaborations with government will divert resources from client services and mute their prophetic voice.
Caught in the middle are public managers, who must make the legislation work in the face of significant administrative challenges. Those challenges occur in three areas: contracting procedures, contract administration, and evaluation. In each of these categories, political realities and constitutional constraints will significantly complicate the manager's job.