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Political competition is more realistically described as a dynamic process rather than as a series of static stages in which parties compete over policy and government formation. This paper focuses on legislative party switching as the main manifestation of this endogenously evolving process, linking individual switching behaviour to policy and office incentives that are assumed to evolve throughout the life of the entire legislature. Using a new data set tracking the timing of MPs’ changes in party affiliations between 1996 and 2011 in Italy, it is found that switching is mainly motivated by policy reasons and that it is more likely during government formation periods and budget negotiations. These results are a consequence of the interplay between MPs’ ambition and the alternation of key phases in the legislative cycle.  相似文献   
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Turkey is often perceived as a country with low bureaucratic capacity and prone to political manipulation and ‘pork-barrel’. This article tests whether this is the case, by analysing the extent to which politics, rather than equity and efficiency criteria, have determined the geographical allocation of public investment across the 81 provinces of Turkey between 2005 and 2012. The results show that although the Turkish government has indeed channelled public expenditures to reward its core constituencies, socioeconomic factors remained the most relevant predictors of investment. Moreover, in contrast to official regional development policy principles, we uncover the concentration of public investment in areas with comparatively higher levels of development. We interpret this as the state bureaucracy’s intentional strategy of focussing on efficiency by concentrating resources on ‘the better off among the most in need’.  相似文献   
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The possibility of detection of lead-antimony-barium aggregates from non-firearm sources is confirmed according to the tests performed on brake pads, and firework and automobile workers. Moreover, information on particles taken from cartridge cases shows the relative feeble importance of the morphology in distinguishing gunshot residues (GSRs). Furthermore, also the presence in the spectrum of other elements (e.g., iron) is not so conclusive. In this panorama, the possibility of discriminating gunshot residue particles from other non-firearm lead-antimony-barium aggregates is investigated: the proposed method is based on X-ray mapping technique--currently applied used in Reparto Carabinieri Investigazioni Scientifiche in Rome, the forensic service of Italian Carabinieri--according to which the spatial distribution of the emission energy of each element of the sample is pictured. Gunshot residues present the same lead-antimony-barium distribution (or at least the same antimony-barium distribution with lead nodules), as some other environmental occupational aggregates do not (different plaques of lead, antimony, and barium). So, X-ray mapping technique can offer a new fundamental evaluation parameter in analysis of gunshot residues with scanning electron microscopy/energy-dispersive (SEM/EDS) spectrometry, and new standards could be considered.  相似文献   
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In December 2015, leaders from Central and South Asia took part in the ground-breaking ceremony for the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) natural gas pipeline project. Sixteen months later, a confusing information flow continues to obfuscate external assessments of the project’s development: official rhetoric notwithstanding, there is no certainty on the details of project financing, while the pipeline route has yet to be determined. To illuminate this obscure implementation path, this article regards TAPI as a virtual pipeline, an infrastructure project that wields invaluable influence only when it is employed as a foreign policy tool or permeates domestic discourses of progress framed by the elites of the four consortium partners. The constituent elements of TAPI virtuality are discussed here through a dedicated focus on the process of energy policy-making of Turkmenistan – the sole supplier of gas for the pipeline project and the consortium’s key stakeholder.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The electoral performance of right-wing populism depends on the type of re-elaboration of countries’ national past and their collective memories. Complementing socio-economic and political-institutional factors, the article analyses cultural opportunity structures. Given the link between fascist and populist visions of power, it shows that different collective memories of the fascist past and World War II open up or close down the space for right-wing populist parties. Theoretically, the typology includes four types of re-elaboration: culpabilisation, victimisation, heroisation and cancellation. Results of a comparative analysis of eight West European countries based on a novel measurement method point to (1) culpabilisation and heroisation as types of re-elaboration limiting right-wing populist parties’ electoral performance, (2) cancellation as a type having an undetermined effect, and (3) victimisation as a type triggering the success of right-wing populist parties.  相似文献   
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