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131.
Jesús Heredia-Carroza Luis Palma Martos Luis F. Aguado 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(5):347-364
AbstractThis article analyzes the gap between the perceived value of the performer's contributions to the musical work and the treatment that it receives in the market. It applies to the case of flamenco in Spain. The proposed methodology is based on three approaches: a study of intellectual property laws; interviews with experts to differentiate among creative and humdrum agents; and finally, double system surveys to determine the perceived valuation of the contributions of such agents. The conclusions show how the flamenco performer develops a creative labor; however, it is not protected by copyright or via royalties, commensurate with its importance. 相似文献
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133.
Despite the vast amount of comparative research on right-wing populist parties over the past decade, there has been little work on non-European parties (as opposed to leaders). In this article, we argue that the international literature on populist parties has largely overlooked a significant non-European case: India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP – Indian People’s Party). Following the ideational approach to understanding populism, we examine whether the three distinguishing features of right-wing populism – its conceptions of “the people”, “elites” and “others” – are reflected in the views from interviews we conducted with BJP officials and representatives. We find that they are and so then consider whether they have been manifest in actions and statements while in power or whether, as some scholars claim, governing parties like the BJP moderate their populism. We conclude that the BJP can be very fruitfully included in comparative research on right-wing populist parties and propose a series of concrete ways in which this could be pursued. 相似文献
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135.
Luis J. Martínez-González María SaizMaría J. Álvarez-Cubero Antonio Gómez-MartínJuan C. Álvarez Cristina Martínez-LabargaJosé A. Lorente 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2012,6(1):136-142
In this study, a sample of 225 Guatemalan males, comprising 115 Mestizo-Guatemalan and 110 Mayan-Guatemalan, was typed for 17 Y-short tandem repeats (STRs) loci (DYS19, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, DYS448, DYS456, DYS458, DYS635, YGATA_H4.1 and DYS385a/b). The haplotype diversity (H = 1) and discrimination capacity (96.86%) were calculated. Analysis of molecular variance (AMOVA) demonstrated a low but significant interpopulation differentiation when compared with the results obtained when we confront the Mestizo and Mayan populations with the European populations.Furthermore, the genetic variability and differences among the American, African, Asian, and European populations were analyzed with the software Statistica 9.1. In addition, the genetic distances were also calculated using other published data. Reynolds and Slatkińs genetic distance was visualized using the multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis. All the analysis performed locates the Mayan population next to the Native American population, while Guatemalan-Mestizo population was found to be between these populations and the European population, similar to other Mestizo one.The implementation of the estimation of individual ancestry proportions of the whole population sample showed the presence of two well-differentiated population groups. 相似文献
136.
We deal in this article with the relationship between ETA attacks and electoral support for Batasuna, its political wing. We show that the relationship is twofold, since the geographical distribution of electoral support for the terrorists affects the location of ETA attacks, but violence also influences electoral support for the terrorist cause. On the one hand, when ETA chooses a location for its attacks, it takes into account the electoral strength of Batasuna. Our results show that the higher the vote for Batasuna in a municipality, the more likely members of the security forces will be killed there. With regard to the targeting of civilians, the relationship is curvilinear. ETA kills civilians in municipalities that are polarized, where support for Batasuna falls short of being hegemonic. On the other hand, our results also show that ETA attacks have an effect on the size of its support community. When ETA kills members of the security forces, voters punish the Batasuna party electorally. In the case of civilians, it depends on the specifics of the various campaigns. We find that when ETA kills informers and drug-dealers, the vote for Batasuna increases. ETA's killing of non-nationalist politicians, however, decreases Batasuna's vote share. 相似文献
137.
Luis Simón 《安全研究》2017,26(2):185-212
Most neorealists argue that relative decline constitutes a systemic incentive for European security cooperation. Although this claim is broadly accepted, I argue that the relationship between relative decline and European security cooperation is complicated by a number of factors. First, European calculations about relative decline bear both a global and a regional (that is, intra-European) component. If a European country is to effectively mitigate relative decline, cooperation is not sufficient. It is just as important that cooperation develops in a way that underscores that country's comparative strengths and minimizes its weaknesses. In this regard, European countries are often in direct competition with each other. Secondly, when Europeans are thinking about their relative power position, some countries matter more than others: a given European country may accept to incur a relative loss vis-à-vis another country (European or otherwise) but not others. These calculations are further complicated by issue linkage. Some countries may accept relative losses on some issues (for example, security) in exchange for gains on others (economic). This article examines how intra-European considerations of relative gains affect the way in which Europe's main powers seek to cope with relative decline and assesses how those considerations affect security cooperation in a European Union (EU) framework. In doing so, it aims to unpack the otherwise vague notions of relative decline and European security cooperation. 相似文献
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139.
Luis E. Mejía 《Regulation & Governance》2021,15(3):760-784
Despite the important role that courts play to supervise the legality of regulatory agencies' actions, only few comparative studies analyze the contents of judicial appeals against regulatory decisions within European countries. This paper builds on the comparative administrative law scholarship and administrative capacities literature to analyze the content of 2,040 rulings against decisions issued by competition and telecommunications regulators in Spain and the United Kingdom. To understand the substance of the appeals, the study classifies cases according to the alleged administrative principles under breach and the regulatory capacities under challenge. Findings show a clear country-sector variation regarding the information contained in judicial disputes for both dimensions of analysis, which can be explained as a result of existing differences between the institutional settings of courts. These results offer a more in depth understanding of the political role of judicial oversight over regulatory agencies embedded in different institutional arrangements and policy sectors. 相似文献
140.
Luis Llambí 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3):350-372
This article discusses several previous attempts to theorise the so‐called capitalised family farm, and proposes an alternative approach to the subject. Petty capitalist production is posited as a category embracing all productive forms experiencing capital accumulation and worked by their owners with some hiring of additional labourers. The varied geneses, trajectories and performances of these productive forms are explained by means of a multiple determination in which market structures and forms of regulation play a significant role. The theoretical inquiry is briefly illustrated by historical data from five Venezuelan case studies. 相似文献