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21.
Christopher Reeves 《欧亚研究》2019,71(7):1140-1161
AbstractThe willingness of successive Polish governments to support and participate in US-led multilateral military interventions—such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq—has been explained in terms of Poland's prevailing strategic culture. Yet in 2011 Poland opted to exclude itself from participating in the NATO campaign against Libya. It is argued that this was not a counter-cultural decision, but was instead a case of one strategic subculture supplanting another. The support that the government received from opposition politicians and the press can be taken as evidence that the policy did not represent a radical departure from Poland's strategic culture. 相似文献
22.
Christopher Reeves 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2004,15(3):613-638
This article analyzes Harold Wilson's policy towards the Republic of Ireland during the first eighteen months of his government. This article will demonstrate that the Labour government embarked upon a concerted effort to improve Anglo-Irish relations. In particular, the Labour government acceded to the Irish government's time-honoured request to repatriate the remains of Roger Casement, and returned the flag that had flown over the General Post Office during the 1916 Rising. How successful these gestures were is a moot point. In the short-term it almost certainly did create a climate of goodwill between the British and Irish governments. In the longer-term, however, it could be argued these gestures served to stimulate republican sentiment in Ireland, and perhaps contributed to heightening the tensions within Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. 相似文献
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Using data of contested decisions in the Council of the European Union, combined with data on the position of member states on the left-right and support for European integration dimensions, this paper provides an overview of winning coalitions formed in the council in the 1998 to 2004 time span. It shows distance between the combined policy positions of winning coalitions to individual EU states within these coalitions and demonstrates that most winning coalitions in the Council have a large combined voting weight, minimal winning coalitions are rare, and ideological connectedness plays a much smaller role than expected. 相似文献
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Isabel Fortin Stéphane Guay Vicky Lavoie Jean-Marie Boisvert Madeleine Beaudry 《Journal of family violence》2012,27(1):63-73
Young adults are more likely to experience intimate partner violence (IPV) than older adults. Little is known about the effect
of confiding to others about sustained violence on the mental health of victims. The objective of this study was to explore
the links between IPV, help-seeking behaviors and psychological distress by gender in a sample of 233 young couples.Our results
indicate the frequency of sustained psychological violence, but not physical violence, was positively associated to distress.
For women, seeking help from a greater number of confidents moderated the association between violence and psychological distress.
For men, results showed that frequencies of physical and psychological violence were both positively linked to distress. However,
unlike women, social support had no buffering effect on men’s distress. These findings increase our understanding of the effects
of social support on young adults’ distress following episodes of IPV. 相似文献
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Jeffrey Reeves 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(5):976-998
This article applies the Nexon/Wright concept of ideal-type empire to the study of China’s post-2012 peripheral relations to demonstrate that the Xi administration is engaged in a concerted imperialist policy towards its developing neighbour states. Using the Nexon/Wright framework, the article demonstrates how the establishment of a China-centric regional network structure undergirds the Xi administration’s key foreign policy concepts and how these concepts, in turn, inform China’s bilateral relations with its peripheral states. To demonstrate how China employs imperialist tactics to its pursuit of a regionally based order, the article examines China’s bilateral relations with the developing states on its periphery: Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Myanmar, Cambodia, Lao PDR and Vietnam. 相似文献
30.
The use of public–private partnerships (PPP) for the procurement of infrastructure and related services can be a complex and challenging process. This article adopts a transaction cost regulation perspective to examine two PPP cases from Ireland that encountered significant obstacles to successful procurement. It finds that both procurements met hazards including uncertainty about the viability of the bids and opportunistic behavior by preferred bidders that held quasi-monopoly positions. The public nature of both cases provided a fertile ground for opportunistic behavior by political opponents and other “interested” parties. The analysis shows how the governance of PPPs is shaped by the attributes of the transactions and the interaction of economic and political hazards that create transaction costs. 相似文献