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61.
Roy Marsden 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):178-193
Shortly after the end of the Second World War six Allied and Soviet Military Liaison Missions were established on the territory of the former Third Reich. The British contribution to this was known as BRIXMIS, the British Commanders ‘‐in‐Chief Mission to the Soviet Forces in Germany. However, after a short time liaison was not the only activity, espionage inevitably became the most important function of BRIXMIS. One of the more important and dangerous operations was the acquisition of aerial intelligence of Soviet installations in East Germany and East Berlin taking photography with hand‐held cameras from a single‐engined Chipmunk aircraft which was ostensibly used by the RAF for training purposes. 相似文献
62.
Magnus Hörnqvist 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(1):23-44
During the last decade, ‘risk management’ has become the common language through which different and sometimes contradictory expectations are brokered in the Swedish customs service. Security concerns, corporate interests and managerial reforms are all phrased—or re‐phrased—as considerations of risk. These considerations are then used to direct organizational strategy and resources. The crucial moment is the operationalization of risks, which are negotiated at the policy level, all the way down through the organization. I will argue that this has happened in the Swedish customs service during the last decade. The successive operationalizations of drugs, violation of intellectual property rights and organized crime have enabled a streamlining of the organization along the policy level risks. The resulting risk governance is mainly about managing the customs as an organization. Yet it also affects the customs' use of force by changing the way border crossers are singled out for control. The traditional, informal risk assessment at the border is being replaced—or supplemented—by formal risk profiles, constructed from the booking information provided by transportation companies. As a consequence, the control selection is increasingly based on a set of impersonal indicators such as mode of payment and possible rebooking. 相似文献
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64.
Magnus Gulbrandsen 《Policy Sciences》2011,44(3):215-230
Research institutes, here defined as organizations involved in research and development but outside of the higher education sector and often in close cooperation with users, are found in most countries but not very well understood. This paper argues that institutes can be considered ??hybrid organizations??, caught in between dichotomous cultural spheres with differing values. To retain their hybridity and to survive in the long run, research institutes need to create and sustain organizational legitimacy by establishing congruence with values from these different spheres. The paper discusses how institutes try to establish legitimacy in the science?Cnon-science dimension and the public?Cprivate dimension and that these attempts sometimes come into conflict with one another. The framework of the legitimacy of hybrid organizations could constitute a fruitful starting point for a discussion of the future place of research institutes in society. 相似文献
65.
Abstract. This article analyzes party responses to European integration in Finland andSweden.We argue that such responses are shaped by seven explanatory factors: basic ideology, public opinion, factionalism, leadership influence, party competition, transnational links, and the development of integration. Each factor can lead to a positive or a negative evaluation of the European Union. In the empirical analysis, the sample includes all parties represented in the respective national parliaments, and the research material consists of party documents, parliamentary votes, statements by leading party figures, public opinion surveys, direct observation and interviews. Party competition and leadership influence are the strongest factors in the Finnish case, while public opinion and factionalism are the strongest factors in Sweden. Issue avoidance combined with the secondary importance of the EU in party politics explain why parties have been relatively successful in containing internal factionalism and discord, especially in Finland. 相似文献
66.
Christopher Dawes David Cesarini James H. Fowler Magnus Johannesson Patrik K. E. Magnusson Sven Oskarsson 《American journal of political science》2014,58(4):888-903
Recent research demonstrates that a wide range of political attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors can be explained in part by genetic variation. However, these studies have not yet identified the mechanisms that generate such a relationship. Some scholars have speculated that psychological traits mediate the relationship between genes and political participation, but so far there have been no empirical tests. Here we focus on the role of three psychological traits that are believed to influence political participation: cognitive ability, personal control, and extraversion. Utilizing a unique sample of more than 2,000 Swedish twin pairs, we show that a common genetic factor can explain most of the relationship between these psychological traits and acts of political participation, as well as predispositions related to participation. While our analysis is not a definitive test, our results suggest an upper bound for a proposed mediation relationship between genes, psychological traits, and political participation. 相似文献
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68.
Benzie Magnus Persson Åsa 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2019,19(4-5):369-393
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - Despite the increasing relevance of cross-border flows of goods, capital and people in shaping risks and opportunities today,... 相似文献
69.
Recent elections in Sweden and Finland are of note for contemporary politics. They confirm that the rightward shift in Nordic politics is not confined to Norway and Denmark but forms a more general trend. This includes increased appeal of both mainstream conservatives and populist radical right forces. This article contextualises this phenomenon within broader European developments. In accounting for the shift in question, the article stresses the cumulative effects of choices made by erstwhile centre-left hegemonic agents, most notably the consequences of the so-called Third Way. This perspective has the merit of providing a way for holding politicians accountable, and it avoids the fatalism entailed in invoking ‘inevitable’ structural developments. 相似文献
70.
Dahlstedt Magnus Vesterberg Viktor 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2022,35(3):391-409
International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society - This article reports on a reality TV series, Sweden’s best employment service, broadcast on Swedish public service television in... 相似文献