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991.
992.
Detection of illicit drugs in the environment, particularly in soils, often suggests the present or past location of a clandestine production center for these substances. Thus, development of efficient methods for the analysis and detection of these chemicals is of paramount importance in the field of chemical forensics. In this work, a method involving the extraction and retrospective confirmation of fentanyl, acetylfentanyl, thiofentanyl, and acetylthiofentanyl using trichloroethoxycarbonylation chemistry in a high clay-content soil is presented. The soil was spiked separately with each fentanyl at two concentrations (1 and 10 μg/g) and their extraction accomplished using ethyl acetate and aqueous NH4OH (pH ~ 11.4) with extraction recoveries ranging from ~56% to 82% for the high-concentration (10 μg/g) samples while ranging from ~68% to 83% for the low-concentration (1 μg/g) samples. After their extraction, residues containing each fentanyl were reacted with 2,2,2-trichloroethoxycarbonyl chloride (Troc-Cl) to generate two unique and predictable products from each opioid that can be used to retrospectively confirm their presence and identity using EI-GC-MS. The method's limit of detection (MDL/LOD) for Troc-norfentanyl and Troc-noracetylfentanyl were estimated to be 29.4 and 31.8 ng/mL in the organic extracts. In addition, the method's limit of quantitation for Troc-norfentanyl and Troc-noracetylfentanyl were determined to be 88.2 and 95.5 ng/mL, respectively. Collectively, the results presented herein strengthen the use of chloroformate chemistry as an additional chemical tool to confirm the presence of these highly toxic and lethal substances in the environment.  相似文献   
993.
News media play a central role in democratic politics, yet we know little about how media affect the behavior of policy makers. To understand the conditions under which news media influence political elites, we advance a theory of strategic responsiveness, which contends that elected representatives are more likely to heed their constituents' preferences when voters are attentive. Accordingly, news media's influence on legislative behavior should be most apparent near elections and dependent on the partisan composition of the constituency. We capitalize on the incremental rollout of the conservative Fox News Channel in the late 1990s to evaluate our theoretical predictions. Fox News caused both Republicans and Democrats in Congress to increase support for the Republican Party position on divisive votes, but only in the waning months of the election cycle and among those members who represent districts with a sizable portion of Republican voters.  相似文献   
994.
Public servants in Westminster countries are being drawn into the limelight by demands from their political masters that they publicly defend policies. Critics suggest these conditions undermine the capacity and willingness of senior public servants to manage the enduring Westminster tension between serving elected governments and remaining nonpartisan. Interviews with senior officials from Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom challenge this pessimistic view, showing that officials consistently stress the importance of not “crossing the line” when dealing with their elected masters. Two exploratory case studies are presented—one of an Australian ministerial department (Treasury) and another of a Canadian quasi‐autonomous agency (Statistics Canada)—in which public servants faced pressure to defend controversial government policies. These cases show how contemporary public servants actively interpret, establish, and defend the line between appropriate responsiveness and inappropriate partisanship in Westminster systems.  相似文献   
995.
This research note examines parties' campaign strategies in the 2015 Swiss elections. We base our analyses on a collection of more than 5000 party advertisements, which were published in the forefront of the national elections in more than 50 daily and weekly national and cantonal print media. By comparing the amount of party and candidate ads, as well as the content and nature of the political advertisements, we explore the degree of professionalization of electoral campaigns in the most recent federal elections in terms of nationalization, coordination and personalization. First results show that although national campaign coordination exists, Swiss elections are to a considerable extent still cantonal and personal affairs.  相似文献   
996.
Neonaticide is an infant murder occurring on the day of birth. The case reports found in the literature are often focused on the mother as the agent in the context of pregnancy denial, dissociative symptoms, or psychosis. However, this report describes a rare case of attempted serial neonaticides, in which the acts were committed by a nurse at the nursery of a referral hospital in Brazil. The authors describe a forensic psychiatric evaluation for criminal responsibility and correlate the information from this particular case with relevant forensic themes, namely neonaticide, Munchausen by proxy syndrome, and serial healthcare killers.  相似文献   
997.
Currently, no established methodology exists to determine degradation patterns of latent fingermarks by visual means. This article is the second in a series of reports exploring quantifiable degradation‐related parameters, which focuses on color contrast changes between fingermark ridges and furrows over time. Experiment variables included type of secretion (eccrine and sebaceous), substrate (glass and plastic), and exposure to natural light (dark, shade, and direct light). Fingermarks were sequentially visualized with titanium dioxide powder and photographed. Image histogram profiles were evaluated and combined with statistical analysis of color data values. Results indicate that sebaceous depositions on glass were generally less degraded by the effect of environmental conditions compared with those on plastic. In addition, aging in darkness was not always the best condition for preservation, and direct exposure to light seemed to inhibit visual degradation under certain conditions. Overall, the technique provided sufficient sensitivity to discern degradation patterns of fingermarks.  相似文献   
998.
This article provides a comment on The Force of Law (Schauer 2015), which is Schauer's new and illuminating contribution to the place of law in our societies and in our lives. It constitutes a strong defence of the importance of coercion in law. First, I consider cases where the law is not able to motivate human behaviour adequately, in order to show that legal coercion is not always justified. Second, I examine the Rawlsian distinction between the ideal and the nonideal theory and its application to the theory of law. Third, I tentatively argue that coercion has no place in ideal theory, but a core place in nonideal theory. In this way, it may be plausible to reconstruct the motivation to accept the law, at least when the law is normatively justified.  相似文献   
999.
Osagie K. Obasogie's Blinded by Sight: Seeing Race through the Eyes of the Blind (2014) makes important contributions to both to the sociology of law and to critical race studies. The book challenges “colorblind” racial ideology by showing empirically that people who are blind from birth nevertheless “see” race, grasping it as a nearly omnipresent feature of social interaction and social organization. These insights, however, do not diminish the importance of the racial body. Beyond refuting colorblindness, Obasogie's book points to a neverending tension, embedded in what we call racial formation, between the social construction of race and the corporeality of race. This tension has been present since the dawn of empire and African slavery. Obasogie's achievement of falsifying colorblindness should not lead us to neglect the importance of the racial body.  相似文献   
1000.
The article proposes an empirically based reflection on how to measure party identification cross nationally, using data from the 1997 Canadian Election Study, the 1997 British Election Study, and the 1996 American National Election Study. These studies included both traditional national questions and a new common one, which allows for an assessment of the effects of question wording on the distribution and correlates of party identification. We show that the distribution of party identification is strongly affected by question wording and that the relationship between party identification and variables such as party and leader ratings, and voting behavior does not quite conform to theoretical expectations. We point out problems in the wording of party identification questions and propose an alternative formulation.  相似文献   
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