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131.
Ausgehend von den Reaktionen auf zwei ähnliche Ereignisse – die "Massaker" in Genf und Zürich im Jahre 1932 – formuliert der Artikel Hypothesen über die Erfolgsbedingungen eines bürgerrechtsorientierten Diskurses in der Öffentlichkeit. In Genf konnte sich dieser Diskurs hegemonial ausbreiten, während sich in Zürich ein Law-and-Order Diskurs durchgesetzt hat. Die Ausrichtung der Diskurse wird anhand eines politischen Modells erklärt. Die diskursiven Strategien der politischen Parteien richten sich nach a) den Allianzen mit sozialen Bewegungen, b) ihrer Position im politischen System (Regierung oder Opposition) und c) dem Wahlprozess, welchem eine Validierungsfunktion der diskursiven Optionen zukommt. Die Autoren argumentieren, dass die diskursiven Strategien der 1930er Jahre zu wichtigen und bindenden symbolischen Ressourcen für die politischen Akteure in den 70er Jahren wurden, als die Auseinandersetzung um die öffentliche Ordnung mit dem Aufkommen der neuen sozialen Bewegungen wieder auf der politischen Agenda erschien. 相似文献
132.
Walter E. Grunden 《Intelligence & National Security》2016,31(5):715-728
AbstractThis article critically examines allegations that H?ngnam, North Korea, served as a transwar site of nuclear weapons research conducted first by Imperial Japan during World War II, then by the Soviet Union in the postwar period, and subsequently by North Korea itself. Rumors of ‘nuclear research’ being conducted there likely derived from and were conflated with reports of secretive efforts by these parties to prospect for, to mine, and to dress uranium-bearing ores in the surrounding area. The article presents new information from recently declassified CIA records and current Russian research. 相似文献
133.
If we look back at the past two decades, timing seems to point to a close connection between democratic reforms and economic growth in sub-Saharan states. Most countries in the area introduced multiparty politics and made dramatic – if incomplete – democratic progress between 1990 and 1994. Quite strikingly, it is exactly from 1994 to 1995 (and particularly from 2000) that the region began to undergo a period of significant economic progress. Because of the undeniable temporal sequence experienced in the region – that is, first political reforms, then economic growth – some observers pointed to a nexus between democratic progress and economic performance. But is there evidence in support of a causal relationship? As of today, no empirical research has been conducted on the democracy–growth nexus in the early twenty-first century's so-called “emerging Africa”. To fill this gap, we discuss the different arguments claiming an economic advantage of democracies, we present our theoretical framework and carry out an empirical analysis of the growth impact of political regimes in 43 sub-Saharan states for the entire 1980–2010 period. Our findings confirm that African countries, many of which had long suffered the combination of authoritarian rule and predatory practices, derived some economic dividends from democratic progress. 相似文献
134.
Netherlands International Law Review - The interplay between public and private actors in the exploitation of natural resources in an occupied territory makes the regime of state and individual... 相似文献
135.
Walter Menezes 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》2016,44(1):155-177
This is an enquiry based on the Vivekacū?āma?i (VC), the primary focus of which is to present viveka (discrimination) along with its three catalysts, namely, ?ruti, tarka, and anubhava as the unique pramā?a of Ultimate Knowledge. This paper discusses the significance of the six popular pramā?as of Advaita Vedānta (AV) and reiterates that as far as AV is concerned epistemologically those pramā?as have merely a provisional value (vyāvahārika). In accordance with the purport of VC this paper argues that ?ruti and tarka, culminating in anubhava (trans-empirical insight sans experience) are blind in themselves and are enthusiastically carried forward by viveka (discrimination) for the attainment of the final realisation. This paper concludes that viveka, along with its three catalysts namely, ?ruti, tarka, and anubhava is the sole pramā?a of the trans-empirical experiential knowledge of Brahman. 相似文献
136.
Walter S. DeKeseredy 《Critical Criminology》2016,24(2):263-278
William J. Chambliss (Bill) is well-known for his path-breaking theories of lawmaking and for his innovative research on state-organized crime. However, the fact that his study of the original vagrancy laws marked the birth of rural critical criminology has gone unrecognized by criminologists. The main objective of this article is twofold: (1) to show how Bill helped shape contemporary rural critical criminology and (2) to provide suggestions for further critical theoretical and empirical work on rural crime and social control. 相似文献
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139.
The present study explores how Italian regions and their presidents employed Facebook during the Covid-19 pandemic to encourage citizen engagement. To do so, it adopts quantitative methodologies. Our results show that most public actors increased their levels of social activity during the pandemic but mainly for promoting public communication and that citizens much prefer interacting with presidents. Moreover, citizen engagement was higher when posts were published during nonbusiness hours or weekends, while it decreased when posts contained photos or videos. 相似文献
140.
Silvia Turroni Beatrice Vitali Marco Candela Paolo Gionchetti Fernando Rizzello Massimo Campieri Patrizia Brigidi 《党史博采》2010,(1)
AIM:To profile protein expression in mucosal biopsies from patients with chronic refractory pouchitis following antibiotic or probiotic treatment,using a comparative proteomic approach. METHODS:Two-dimensional polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis and matrix-assisted laser desorption/ ionization-time of flight mass spectrometry were used to characterize the changes related to antibiotic therapy in the protein expression profiles of biopsy samples from patients with chronic refractory pouchitis.The same proteom... 相似文献