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341.
Mark Aspinwall 《Political studies》2000,48(3):415-442
Scholars examining British-European relations typically ascribe UK governmental positions firstly to a combination of distinct and incompatible values, attitudes, and beliefs stemming from historical experience; secondly to a distinct and incompatible set of functional imperatives – namely less interaction with European partners than is the case for other EU member states; and third a distinct and incompatible set of domestic interests. This article challenges these views. It presents evidence to suggest that British governments have failed to assimilate social demands, and that the reason is an under-recognized and untheorized intervening variable – namely the structure of decisionmaking institutions in Parliament. It models the influence of this variable, and suggests that historical institutionalist theory captures key elements of the variable in a manner superior to extant approaches. 相似文献
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Mark Sedra 《冲突、安全与发展》2011,11(4):473-496
Demilitarisation is widely viewed as a key to the success of stabilisation and peace-building operations in post-conflict environments. Although a highly politically sensitive process that, in effect, seeks to re-order power relations, demilitarisation efforts tend to be treated by international actors as an apolitical, technical exercise. The disconnect between the heightened political stakes of demilitarisation and the marginal investment of political capital to advance it has undermined implementation time and time again. A classic case study of this phenomenon is Afghanistan after 2001, which saw the launch of one of the most ambitious and expensive DDR programmes in history with only tepid political engagement from key local and international stakeholders. This paper will argue that the failure to build a robust political consensus on demilitarisation among both domestic and international stakeholders doomed the Afghan process to failure. 相似文献
346.
Political ideology is an increasingly powerful force in support of public policy. Historically, nuclear energy has found more support among political conservatives. This study updates the literature on political ideology and support for nuclear energy by examining how political ideology is associated with perceptions of nuclear energy and trust of nuclear information sources. After excluding participants with incomplete data, and participants within 50 miles of a nuclear reactor, the analytical sample size for the analysis examining political ideology and perceptions of nuclear energy was 4153. The analytical sample includes a total of 1035 participants within a 50-mile radius of INL, 710 participants from within Idaho who lived further than 50 miles from INL, 1899 participants from other states (more than 50 miles from a nuclear reactor), and 509 Non-Idaho participants living within 50 miles of a nuclear reactor. Logistic regression was used to determine how political ideology was associated with perceptions of nuclear energy and trust in different sources regarding radioactive waste, after controlling for demographics and location. While liberal participants near INL were less favorable towards nuclear energy, and more trusting in impact scientists to tell the truth about radioactive waste than their conservative counterparts, this was not consistent across the US. Our findings reveal the complexity of political ideology and the perceptions of nuclear issues and how proximity influences perceptions. The perceptions of political moderates were particularly important in providing a more complex understanding of political ideology and nuclear energy issues. 相似文献
347.
Mark A. Pollack Emilie M. Hafner-Burton 《The Review of International Organizations》2010,5(3):285-313
International organizations (IOs) have moved increasingly in recent years to adopt cross-cutting mandates that require the
“mainstreaming” of particular issues, such as gender equality or environmental protection, across all IO policies. Successful
IO performance with respect to such mandates, we hypothesize, is determined in large part by the use of hard or soft institutional
measures to shape the incentives of sectoral officials whose cooperation is required for successful implementation. We test
this hypothesis with respect to two such mandates—gender mainstreaming and environmental policy integration—in a single international
organization, the European Union, demonstrating a strong causal link between the use of hard incentives and IO performance
in these and related mandates. 相似文献
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This article revisits the balancing act between independence and accountability at the European Central Bank (ECB). It contrasts procedural and substantive concepts of accountability, and challenges the mainstream idea that independence and accountability can be reconciled through narrow mandates, the indiscriminate increase of transparency, the creation of multiple channels of accountability, and the active use of judicial review. These assumptions form the pillars of a procedural type of accountability that promises to resolve the independence/accountability dilemma but fails to do so in practice. The article brings evidence to show how ECB accountability has become a complex administrative exercise that focuses on the procedural steps leading up to monetary and supervisory decisions while simultaneously limiting substantive accountability. The failure to acknowledge the trade‐off between independence and accountability (said to be ‘two sides of the same coin’) has resulted in a tendency to privilege the former over the latter. 相似文献