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101.
In the network of political and public administrative actors the public administration plays a key role. Countries previously influenced by socialism or communism, that joined the European Union in the two most recent accession waves, and are now undergoing strong change, are investigated to determine whether—and to what extent—public administrations influence transition processes to more democracy and market economies. With a regression analysis it is demonstrated that a qualitatively better functioning public administration makes a positive impact on transition, its effectiveness, and sustainability. The regression analysis also offers arguments for the view that public administrations are important actors when it comes to the implementation of EU standards.  相似文献   
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We investigate the relationship between providing school meals programmes and educational outcomes in Ethiopia. Using data from school catchment areas across rural Ethiopia, the paper examines the role played by programme modalities and their implementation. The results indicate that supplementing on-site school meals with take-home rations can be beneficial for concentration, reading, writing and arithmetic skills. The timing of the distribution of school meals is also found to play an important role.  相似文献   
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Markus Prior 《政治交往》2013,30(4):620-634
Political communication research has long been plagued by inaccurate self-reports of media exposure. Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz (2013) Dilliplane, S., Goldman, S. and Mutz, D. 2013. Televised exposure to politics: New measures for a fragmented media environment. American Journal of Political Science, 57: 236248. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar] propose a new survey-based measure of “televised exposure to politics” that avoids some of the features that lead to self-report error and that has already been adopted by the American National Election Study. Yet the validity of the new measure has not been independently tested. An analysis reveals several weaknesses. First, construct validity of the new measure is low because it does not attempt to measure the amount of exposure to news programs, news channels, or news overall. Second, its convergent validity is poor by several different criteria. For example, the new measure shows barely any increase in news exposure as the 2008 presidential election approached. Third, the authors' criterion for predictive validity is neither necessary nor sufficient. Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz are right that measuring the media exposure of survey respondents in a valid and reliable way is critical for progress in political communication research. But given the inability of many respondents to report their own exposure, it is necessary to monitor the media use of survey respondents automatically.  相似文献   
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In einem auf Antrag des Beitragspflichtigen eingeleiteten Feststellungsverfahren nach § 10 ALSAG ist der Bund berechtigt, einen Devolutionsantrag zu stellen. Weisen schriftliche Anbringen M?ngel auf, darf die Beh?rde solche Anbringen nicht zurückweisen, sondern hat gem § 13 Abs 3 AVG von Amts wegen unverzüglich deren Behebung zu veranlassen. Wenn der M?ngelbehebungsauftrag nach § 13 Abs 3 AVG zul?ssig war und unverzüglich erteilt wurde, beginnt die Entscheidungsfrist des § 73 Abs 1 AVG erst mit dem Einlangen des verbesserten Antrages. Das Wort "unverzüglich" in § 13 Abs 3 AVG zielt darauf ab, die Beh?rde zur umgehenden Prüfung der M?ngelfreiheit des Antrages und der Vollst?ndigkeit der Unterlagen zu verhalten. Es ist davon auszugehen, dass Verbesserungsauftr?ge in der Regel innerhalb von vier Wochen erteilt werden k?nnen. Dabei handelt es sich freilich nicht um eine absolute Frist, sondern um einen Ma?stab. Ob eine "unverzügliche" Auftragserteilung erfolgte, ist anhand der Umst?nde des jeweiligen Einzelfalles zu beurteilen.  相似文献   
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Die Bestimmung des Art 16 EMRK wirkt wie ein Fremdkörper im System der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention. Sie ermöglicht den Mitgliedsstaaten des Europarates, die politische Tätigkeit von Ausländern hinsichtlich einiger Grundrechte zu beschränken. Der Wortlaut der Vorschrift lässt viele Fragen hinsichtlich ihrer Reichweite offen und führt dementsprechend zu dogmatischen Unsicherheiten. Es zeigt sich, dass den Mitgliedsstaaten bei der Beschränkung politischer Tätigkeiten von Ausländern weitgehende Gestaltungsfreiheit zukommt, jedoch willkürliche Eingriffe durch Art 16 EMRK nicht gedeckt sind. Weitaus enger als die Mitgliedsstaaten des Europarates sind die Mitglieder der Europäischen Union zusammengewachsen. Die gemeinschaftsrechtliche Integration geht mittlerweile weit über bloß wirtschaftliche Belange hinaus und ermöglicht den Unionsbürgern auch eine politische Mitwirkungsmöglichkeit in anderen EU-Staaten. Als letztes staatsbürgerliches "Reservat" ist hier noch das Wahlrecht zu den nationalen Vertretungskörpern auszumachen. In diesem Bereich hat bei dogmatischer Betrachtung auch die Bestimmung des Art 16 EMRK noch einen kleinen Anwendungsbereich.  相似文献   
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The relationship between organized crime and political order in the contemporary developing world and in transition countries is still little understood. Building on the seminal accounts of political order by Weber, Fukuyama and North, Wallis and Weingast, this article introduces the concept of crimilegality. Crimilegal orders are neither ‘modern’ nor ‘non-modern’ but combine and integrate elements of both types of order. They are characterized by the blurring of the social boundaries between legality and illegality and/or criminality. What is formally illegal and/or criminal may be deemed legitimate, while what is formally legal may be considered to be illegitimate. The resulting crimilegal governance arrangements, which involve coordination between a range of state and non-state actors, serve (illicit) economic interests but are also reflective of broader particularistic concerns about guaranteeing political stability and the de facto exercise of political authority, as well as the physical security of those in power and, somewhat paradoxically, their judicial impunity. In such orders the state’s monopoly on the use of force tends to be replaced by oligopolies of coercion and high levels of violence are not uncommon, though they are also not standard. Using the current Colombian peace process as an example, this article argues that due to eminently political reasons violently contending state and non-state actors, both with notorious criminal pedigrees, can reach agreement on ending armed conflict and decide to cooperate to recover the primacy of legality. However, whether this type of bargaining game can ultimately lead to the positive ‘legalization’ of a crimilegal order, such as the one in Colombia, remains an open question.  相似文献   
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An approach toward detecting hidden knowledge is the Concealed Information Test (CIT). It relies on the memory of crime‐relevant information. This study investigated whether its validity is susceptible to memory distortion by misleading information. A misleading information paradigm was employed to distort memory prior to an interrogation with a CIT. Forty‐one participants watched a video with specific crime‐related information. After a 1‐week retention interval, misleading information was introduced. Afterward, a CIT was performed, followed by a threefold memory test. When misleading information was presented, memory performance was reduced, and no physiological response differences between crime‐relevant and crime‐irrelevant information were found. Without presenting misleading information, physiological responses differed between responses to crime‐relevant and crime‐irrelevant information. However, responses in all physiological measures also differed between misleading and irrelevant information. The results indicate that the CIT is susceptible to misleading information, which reduces its validity in specific constellations.  相似文献   
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