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971.
Pablo del Río 《Policy Sciences》2014,47(3):267-287
The aim of this paper is to propose the main elements of a theoretical and methodological framework for the assessment of the success of complex policy mixes, to highlight the conflicts between individual instruments and other elements within those mixes and to propose policy recommendations in order to mitigate them. Some criteria are defined, and different levels of analysis are considered. The challenges in evaluating policy packages are illustrated with the case of the coexistence between renewable energy support and emissions trading schemes. It is shown that policy mixes inherently lead to interactions between the different instruments, either in the form of conflicts or synergies. Conflicts are horizontal (i.e., between different types of instruments) and/or vertical (i.e., between different administrative levels). It is suggested that mitigating those conflicts could require administrative coordination. Relevant coordination could take place between different administrative levels and relate to different instruments or different design elements within similar instruments. However, given the trade-offs between different criteria, the role of coordination is necessarily limited. 相似文献
972.
Gustavo V. García 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2016,22(2):125-137
Tungsteno (1931) de César Vallejo es un texto “puente” entre el indigenismo tradicional y la novela proletaria emergente en la zona andina. El “problema del indio” y la “lucha de clases” están ligadas por una perspectiva “lascasiana” que reduce a los personajes a comportamientos binarios que se excluyen mutuamente: buenos o malos, víctimas o explotadores. Tungsteno es eficaz cuando – siguiendo el esquema lascasiano – muestra cuadros aislados de explotación e injusticia. Pero su ideología y estrategia textual tienen limitaciones para ser considerada la obra revolucionaria que muchos pretenden. Por un lado, porque el indio sólo es “indio,” falla en la construcción de una identidad indígena contestataria y alternativa basada en diferencias culturales y étnicas. Y, en el caso de la representación de los mineros, al resaltar la figura de Servando Huanca subsume la lucha de clases al comportamiento de un individuo ejemplar. Este sesgo narrativo determina la ausencia de la acción colectiva de los obreros de la Mining Society construidos como una mera “presencia” y, sobre todo, sin una conciencia de clase, la agenda privilegiada del marxismo ortodoxo de la época. 相似文献
973.
To fight criminal organizations effectively, governments require support from significant segments of society. Citizen support provides important leverage for executives, allowing them to continue their policies. Yet winning citizens' hearts and minds is not easy. Public security is a deeply complex issue. Responsibility is shared among different levels of government; information is highly mediated by mass media and individual acquaintances; and security has a strong effect on peoples' emotions, since it threatens to affect their most valuable assets—life and property. How do citizens translate their assessments of public security into presidential approval? To answer this question, this study develops explicit theoretical insights into the conditions under which different dimensions of public security affect presidential approval. The arguments are tested using Mexico as a case study. 相似文献
974.
Efrén O. Pérez 《Political Behavior》2016,38(3):603-634
Growing evidence shows that mass opinion varies by interview language, yet modest theory exists to explain this result. I propose a framework where language impacts survey response by making some political concepts more mentally accessible. I claim that concepts vary by how associated they are with certain languages, which means people are more likely to acquire a construct when it is tied to the tongue one speaks. Hence, recalling concepts from memory should be easier when the language a construct is linked to matches the tongue one interviews in, thereby intensifying people’s opinions. I test my theory by manipulating the interview language in two U.S. surveys of English/Spanish bilingual Latino adults. I generally find that language influences the accessibility of concepts. For example, subjects report higher opinion levels for concepts that are tied more to their interview language, such as American identity among English interviewees. Subjects who interview in English are also less likely to refuse completing items measuring knowledge about U.S. politics, and more likely to answer them quickly. Items reflecting constructs that are highly labile (e.g. anti-Obama affect) or very crystallized (e.g., partisanship) do not display these patterns. I then rule out that language effects are mostly mediated by a heightened sense of anxiety, anger, pride or efficacy that emerges when bilingual subjects interview in one of their languages. 相似文献
975.
976.
Maria Magdalena Martínez-Almira 《议会、议员及代表》2016,36(2):137-166
The Nueva Planta decrees (1707–16) caused an important change on the institutional and legislative map, not only in the Crown of Aragon but also in the Crown of Castile. The call for only one parliament within a ‘new institution’ – the General Courts of the Monarchy – was one of the consequences of this process of abolition undertaken by the representative institutions of each kingdom. This process deserves special attention because of the significant changes in its functions. The functions and duties of this ‘new parliament’ mainly revolved around the interests of the absolute monarchy, and the calls made during the eighteenth century – in 1713 and in 1789 – were thus intended for the oath of the heir to the throne. Among the various functions given to the parliament, the voting of servicios (a subsidy or petition) – usually a donation request – certainly stood out from time immemorial. The funds from petitions were used for different purposes, but they usually served to cover the expenses of the king and his kingdom. 相似文献
977.
978.
Sebastián M. Saiegh 《Public Choice》2013,156(1-2):61-75
I study the relationship between political institutions and sovereign borrowing when constitutional constraints are systematically chosen to obtain better credit conditions. I argue that the impact of institutional constraints on country risk premia depends on the government’s concern with the country’s creditworthiness and its “willingness to repay”; two variables that are hardly observable. To properly evaluate the relationship between political institutions and sovereign borrowing, I focus on the link between institutional constraints and the risk premia of Argentine bonds between 1822 and 1913. Specifically, I analyze whether a “structural break” in the government’s cost of borrowing time-series exists. I use the Perron-Volesang test for structural change with unknown break dates. The statistical analysis indicates that the adoption of institutional constraints led to significant improvements in borrowing terms: the series has a single structural change; and the distinctive break point is associated with the country’s adoption of constitutional checks and balances. Time-series regressions and instrumental variables (IV) estimation reinforce these findings. 相似文献
979.
Omar Encarnación 《West European politics》2013,36(1):182-203
This essay challenges the conventional wisdom that political pacts intended to consolidate the transition to democracy have the paradoxical consequence of compromising or freezing democracy. It suggests, instead, that political pacts have a neutral impact and that whether they are good or bad for democracy depends upon the inclusiveness and political diversity of the bargaining cartel and its ties to societal organisations. These arguments are derived from an analysis of the case of Spain, where political pacts led to a widely praised process of democratisation, with contrasting perspectives from Venezuela, Colombia and Brazil, cases that loom large over the debate about how pacts freeze democracy. 相似文献
980.