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201.
The 2000 presidential election and the recount battle in Florida focused attention on local election administration in the United States. The Help America Vote Act , passed by the federal government in 2002, requires wholesale changes in voting equipment and other election procedures. However, the law did not address the selection of individuals who manage elections: both state and local election officials play a great role implementing federal and state election laws. Recently, several election reform advocates have argued for shifting to nonpartisan election administrators in the United States. Others, particularly associations representing election officials, have not endorsed that position. To inform this debate, we provide data on the selection methods and party affiliations for all local election officials in the United States (more than 4,500 individuals or commissions). We find considerable variation in the methods used to select state and local election officials in the United States.  相似文献   
202.
This article addresses the question of whether long-term supervised access is an appropriate solution when unsupervised access is unlikely to become possible in the future. The article assesses judicial decisions and theoretical commentary on this issue in light of the opinions and practices of service providers and in light of the best interest of the child standard. The opinions and practices of service providers were gleaned from published materials and from interviews with service providers at supervised access facilities in Vermont and New Hampshire and in Ontario, Canada. The supervised access facilities surveyed for this research were diverse in their practices and experiences but remarkably similar in their approach to long-term supervised access. Outside the scope of the research for this article was the question of whether the opinions and practices of the service providers at the facilities surveyed are representative, and this question requires further investigation .  相似文献   
203.
This article examines the impact European Union (EU) policies have on internal migration in Poland. It argues that the EU indirectly through its cohesion funding and internal market policies creates push and pull incentives that affect internal migration. It focuses on the impact of three EU regulated factors: foreign direct investment, international migration, and EU funding. It contends that both foreign investment to a voivodeship as a result of the EU’s internal market policy, and EU funding to a voivodeship as a result of the EU’s cohesion policies, attracts internal migrants to that voivodeship and discourages residents from leaving. The article further argues that increasing international migration from a voivodeship as a result of the EUs labor policies decreases the incentive for internal migration. A cross-sectional time-series statistical analysis finds that higher levels of foreign investment and EU funding attract migrants to a voivodeship, while higher levels of international migration, FDI inflow, and EU funding decreases the incentive for residents of that voivodeship to relocate internally.  相似文献   
204.
Mortality of parents and other adults due to the African AIDS epidemic could reduce children's primary schooling by reducing households' ability to pay fees, raising the opportunity cost of children's time, and leaving orphaned children with guardians who care less about their education than would their parents. This study measures the impact of adult deaths and orphan status on primary school attendance and hours spent at school using a panel household survey from north-western Tanzania, an area hard-hit by the AIDS epidemic. Attendance was delayed for maternal orphans and children in poor households with a recent adult death; there was no evidence that children 7-14 dropped out of primary school due to orphan status or adult deaths. However, among children already attending, school hours were significantly lower in the months prior to an adult death in the household and seemed to recover following the death. In addition, girls sharply reduced their hours in school immediately after losing a parent. Improvements in school quality and better access to secondary education would improve outcomes for all children, including those affected by adult AIDS mortality. Beyond that, public policy needs to focus on the special schooling constraints faced by children affected by adult deaths, both in terms of increased opportunity costs of their time and the psychological impacts, with an eye to how they might be mitigated and at what cost.  相似文献   
205.
Studies of representative bureaucracy argue that public administrators hold attitudes that are generally representative of the public and will implement policy in accordance with those attitudes. However, studies of representative bureaucracy generally have not considered the partisanship of local administrators. Many local election officials affiliate with a political party, and there is concern that partisan officials will manipulate election procedures to help their party. The authors analyze a survey of local election officials about their attitudes toward provisional voting. Findings show that Democratic local election officials have significantly more positive attitudes toward provisional voting programs in highly Democratic jurisdictions and significantly less positive attitudes in highly Republican jurisdictions. No such relationship occurs for Republican administrators. In addition, positive attitudes toward provisional voting are associated with more provisional votes being cast and counted in the 2004 presidential election. This work questions whether representative bureaucracy—when it concerns partisanship—is always a desirable outcome.  相似文献   
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Under what conditions do women participate in executive power in multiethnic societies? Previous research has examined how political institutions, socioeconomic factors, and cultural norms affect the appointment of women as cabinet ministers. However, no study has assessed the extent to which the politicization of ethnicity—a cleavage that shapes political life in many countries—affects women's cabinet appointments. Focusing on sub‐Saharan Africa, we argue that women are less likely to become cabinet ministers where incumbents use such appointments to build patronage‐based alliances with politicians who act as advocates for ethnic constituencies. Using an original dataset on the composition of cabinets in 34 African countries from 1980 to 2005, we show that women's share of cabinet appointments is significantly lower in countries where leaders must accommodate a larger number of politicized ethnic groups, but it rises with higher levels of democracy and greater representation of women in parliament.  相似文献   
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