全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1928篇 |
免费 | 77篇 |
国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 81篇 |
工人农民 | 205篇 |
世界政治 | 110篇 |
外交国际关系 | 108篇 |
法律 | 828篇 |
中国共产党 | 39篇 |
中国政治 | 115篇 |
政治理论 | 357篇 |
综合类 | 167篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 14篇 |
2021年 | 19篇 |
2020年 | 30篇 |
2019年 | 32篇 |
2018年 | 31篇 |
2017年 | 53篇 |
2016年 | 36篇 |
2015年 | 33篇 |
2014年 | 58篇 |
2013年 | 233篇 |
2012年 | 80篇 |
2011年 | 94篇 |
2010年 | 98篇 |
2009年 | 97篇 |
2008年 | 103篇 |
2007年 | 122篇 |
2006年 | 125篇 |
2005年 | 92篇 |
2004年 | 68篇 |
2003年 | 62篇 |
2002年 | 69篇 |
2001年 | 36篇 |
2000年 | 36篇 |
1999年 | 21篇 |
1998年 | 14篇 |
1997年 | 18篇 |
1996年 | 21篇 |
1995年 | 23篇 |
1994年 | 17篇 |
1993年 | 18篇 |
1992年 | 19篇 |
1991年 | 24篇 |
1990年 | 14篇 |
1989年 | 14篇 |
1988年 | 16篇 |
1987年 | 17篇 |
1986年 | 11篇 |
1985年 | 16篇 |
1984年 | 9篇 |
1983年 | 7篇 |
1982年 | 15篇 |
1981年 | 10篇 |
1980年 | 13篇 |
1979年 | 12篇 |
1978年 | 11篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 7篇 |
1974年 | 6篇 |
1973年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有2010条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
971.
Rafal Brzeski George H. Quester Leonard Weinberg J. Bowyer Bell John E. Moore David E. Long 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):107-125
Michael Waller, Peace, Power and Protest: Eastern Europe in the Gorbachev Era, London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1988 (Conflict Study No.209). Pp.27. £5.50. Paul Leventhal and Yonah Alexander (eds.), Nuclear Terrorism: Defining the Threat. Washington: Pergamon‐Brassey's, 1986. Pp.vii + 218. NP. Paul Leventhal and Yonah Alexander (eds.), Preventing Nuclear Terrorism. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1987. Pp.xviii + 472. NP. Paul Wilkinson and Alasdair M. Stewart (eds.), Contemporary Research on Terrorism. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1987. Pp.xx + 634. £45. Richard E. Rubenstein, Alchemists of Revolution: Terrorism in the Modern World. New York: Basic Books, 1987. Pp.ix + 272. $17.95. James Adams, Secret Armies. London: Hutchinson, 1988. Pp.440. £14.95. David C. Martin and John Walcott, Best Laid Plans: The Inside Story of America's War Against Terrorism. New York: Harper & Row, 1988. Pp. 392 $22.50. 相似文献
972.
Mary Borissova 《European Security》2013,22(2):191-212
Abstract Central and Eastern European countries have made significant progress in their efforts to democratize postcommunist civil–military relations. Appointing civilian ministers of defense, improving institutional arrangements and asserting legislative oversight over the armed forces have been key priorities. Problems still abound and levels of reform vary in the region even after NATO's second enlargement since 1989. Challenges remain concerning competent democratic civilian management, and effective defense reform planning and implementation. This article argues that the lack of an integrated Ministry of Defense, the low level of civilian interest in defense matters, the reform-deterrent attitude of political and military elite, and ambiguous institutional lines of authority are factors that still hamper civil–military relations in Bulgaria. I assert that the domestic political environment and international factors together facilitate democratic civilian control over the armed forces. 相似文献
973.
Mary Douglas Vavrus 《政治交往》2013,30(2):193-213
In the 1992 U.S. election year, mainstream print and television news coverage was replete with hosannas for female politicians, praised as strong and politically powerful figures during this so-called ''Year of the Woman.'' Just 4 years later, 1996 election news reports relied upon a very different image to describe women vis-à-vis electoral politics: soccer moms. Soccer mom was the term used most recurrently in mainstream television and print media to refer to an aggregate of women, vis-à-vis electoral politics, who were described as crucial to the success of either presidential candidate: President Clinton or Robert Dole. This period of time represents a dramatic shift in news discourse: from discussing women as political power wielders (Women of the Year) to discussing women as a group of swing voters defined primarily by their filial obligations. This article considers some possible implications of this shift and argues that it represents a discursive connection between women voters reduced to a demographic category characterized by womens relationships to their children and an ideology of consumerism that reduces electoral politics to personal choices around product consumption and lifestyle. 相似文献
974.
Mary A. Finn 《犯罪学与公共政策》2013,12(3):443-472
975.
Chriscelyn M. Tussey Bernice A. Marcopulos Beth A. Caillouet 《Psychological injury and law》2013,6(1):31-40
Competency issues can arise at any point beginning with an individual’s initial interaction with the justice system until the same individual is facing the imposition of a sentence. Neuropsychologists are commonly introduced to the criminal arena through referrals related to competence issues, and much can be gained from understanding how cognitive and psychological functioning can impact an individual’s ability to understand and appreciate current circumstances. The present article focuses on three less frequently explored domains of competency, including competence to waive Miranda rights, competence to consent to or refuse treatment, and competency for execution. Pertinent diagnostic considerations are discussed, and relevant legal standards and ethical issues are described. Lastly, evaluation procedures for each type of competence evaluation are discussed. This primer on competency assessment offers a review of the current practices, and limitations, in this burgeoning intersection of law, brain–behavior relationships, and psychology. 相似文献
976.
977.
978.
The decade-long boom in the US stock market and the more recent boom in the US economy have fostered widespread belief in the economic benefits of the maximization of shareholder value as a principle of corporate governance. In this paper, we provide an historical analysis of the rise of shareholder value as a principle of corporate governance in the United States, tracing the transformation of US corporate strategy from an orientation towards retention of corporate earnings and reinvestment in corporate growth through the 1970s to one of downsizing of corporate labour forces and distribution of corporate earnings to shareholders over the past two decades. We then consider the recent performance of the US economy, and raise questions about the relation between the maximization of shareholder value and the sustainability of economic prosperity. 相似文献
979.
Using a small pilot qualitative study conducted in the North of England prior to the 2010 general election, we seek to understand why our respondents might feel actively disengaged from mainstream politics. It is argued that one major reason is because politicians are seen as lacking understanding of the local contexts in which these low-wage workers live. The gulf between represented and representative is widened if politicians fail to communicate in a ‘down to earth’ way. This indicates that social inequality between represented and representative is a factor in disengagement, but that such disengagement is not the result of apathy on the part of citizens. Further research is required, but our study suggests that if politicians fail to recognise their privilege and politics fails to address economic disadvantage across ethnic groups then disengagement from mainstream politics is likely to worsen. 相似文献
980.
Mary L. Volcansek 《West European politics》2013,36(2):280-296
Why would politicians, who expect to hold political power in the future, choose to create a constitutional court with the power of judicial review that can veto politicians' policies? Some theories suggest that international forces may be causal, as institutions or ideas are diffused geographically or within legal systems. Others focus on domestic politics as driving the decision to institute judicial review. Among these are the commitment, hegemonic preservation, party alternation and insurance theories. This article looks at the decision to establish a constitutional court in the Republic of Italy, the first post-World War II court in Europe that was not in a federal system. It argues that the insurance model drove the decision of the Italian Christian Democrats to support creation of a constitutional court at the point of constitutional design, but later to delay implementation once in power. Conversely, the Italian Communist–Socialist bloc opposed establishment of the court at the Constituent Assembly that wrote the post-war constitution on the ideological ground that it was contrary to popular sovereignty. However, once the leftist bloc found itself in the role of the opposition, it became a champion of the Constitutional Court and judicial review. The insurance theory is shown to explain the behaviour of the Christian Democrats in both design and implementation phases and the actions of the Communist–Socialist bloc during implementation. 相似文献