全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1166篇 |
免费 | 45篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 52篇 |
工人农民 | 176篇 |
世界政治 | 86篇 |
外交国际关系 | 55篇 |
法律 | 558篇 |
中国政治 | 13篇 |
政治理论 | 266篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 13篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 31篇 |
2017年 | 35篇 |
2016年 | 33篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 26篇 |
2013年 | 171篇 |
2012年 | 44篇 |
2011年 | 52篇 |
2010年 | 30篇 |
2009年 | 34篇 |
2008年 | 44篇 |
2007年 | 43篇 |
2006年 | 58篇 |
2005年 | 37篇 |
2004年 | 37篇 |
2003年 | 46篇 |
2002年 | 44篇 |
2001年 | 21篇 |
2000年 | 27篇 |
1999年 | 16篇 |
1998年 | 9篇 |
1997年 | 17篇 |
1996年 | 17篇 |
1995年 | 20篇 |
1994年 | 19篇 |
1993年 | 10篇 |
1992年 | 19篇 |
1991年 | 21篇 |
1990年 | 12篇 |
1989年 | 15篇 |
1988年 | 14篇 |
1987年 | 13篇 |
1986年 | 10篇 |
1985年 | 13篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 9篇 |
1982年 | 14篇 |
1981年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 11篇 |
1979年 | 11篇 |
1978年 | 8篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 5篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有1211条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
Mary Rowe 《Negotiation Journal》2018,34(2):137-163
Peers and bystanders play important roles in organizational and community conflict management. Bystanders often learn relevant information and have opportunities to act in ways that can affect three of the basic functions of a conflict management system (CMS.) They can help (or not help) to identify, assess, and manage behaviors that the organization or community deems to be “unacceptable.” Examples in which bystanders play important roles include sexual and racial harassment, safety violations, unethical research, national security violations and insider threats, cyber‐bullying and cyber‐sabotage, violence, fraud, theft, intimidation and retaliation, and gross negligence. Bystanders often are a missing link in conflict systems. For the purposes of this article, I define peers and bystanders as people who observe or learn about unacceptable behavior by others, but who are not the relevant supervisors, or who knowingly engage in planning or executing that behavior. I define CMS managers as all those people, including line managers, who have responsibility for managing conflicts. Conflict managers face many challenges in fostering constructive behavior from bystanders. The interests of bystanders may or may not coincide with the interests of conflict systems managers in an organization or community. Bystanders often have multiple, idiosyncratic, and conflicting interests, and experience painful dilemmas. In addition, peers and bystanders, and their contexts – often differ greatly from each other. Blanket rules about how all bystanders should behave, such as requirements for mandatory reporting, are often ineffective or lead to perverse results. Bystanders are regularly equated with “do‐nothings,” in the popular press. In real life, however, helpful bystander actions are common. Many bystanders report a wide variety of constructive initiatives, including private, informal interventions. In this article, I report on forty‐five years of observations on bystanders in many milieus. I present what bystanders have said are the reasons that they did not – or did – take action, and what can be learned to help organizations and communities to support bystanders to be more effective when faced with unacceptable behavior. 相似文献
52.
The question of what constitutes torture has perhaps never held as prominent a place in US political discourse as it has since the attacks on 9/11. This has fueled a national conversation that causes us to consider to what extent do our actions as a nation reflect our values as a nation? In a post 9/11 world in which the country will confront terrorism at home and abroad and our values will be tested we should strive for a better understanding of citizens' attitudes towards the practices that are (and have been) used to counter terrorism. To the extent that democratic theory is correct in necessitating public policy and public opinions to be reasonably congruent, understanding the distribution and formation of citizen attitudes towards torture is an important endeavor. 相似文献
53.
The Arab world has experienced some unprecedented social movements, labeled by the media as the Arab Spring. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of public policy, advertising, media, and public spheres on the Arab Spring. The media and economic policies enacted in the Arab world in the 1990s played a significant role in changing consumer culture in the Arab region, resulting in significant changes in public policy. Two studies were conducted to test how the change in consumer culture along with new public polices in the region contributed to the uprisings. 相似文献
54.
Interest groups seek to influence public policy. Business associations specifically seek to influence policy related to the environment in which their members operate, with the intention of making it easier for the members, and the wider private sector, to “do business.” Scholars question whether interest groups are influential and, if so, the degree to which their activity influences public policy. Even if they do influence public policy at the margins, it is questionable how effective they are in influencing legislation. As a result, there is little exploration of the factors that may determine whether business membership organizations (BMOs) are likely to be successful. This paper explores the efforts of two BMOs in Kenya to influence legislation: In one case, the BMO persuaded the government to introduce legislation to regulate an activity that had previously not been subject to legislation; in the other, a BMO sought to persuade the government to amend its own proposals to replace existing legislation with new legislation. In both cases, we find evidence that the BMO was successful, though one BMO was significantly more successful than the other. We review the factors perceived by the BMOs to have led to their success. Neither was in a position to rely on economic or other power to strong‐arm the government. Both followed a predominantly insider strategy though with occasional media back‐up. Both were successful on the more “technical” issues. Key factors include the use of a champion, engaging across government, supplying information, and providing evidence and good argumentation. 相似文献
55.
Cudjoe Bennett Manka Banda Lior Miller Joseph Ciza William Clemmer Mary Linehan 《Development in Practice》2017,27(5):750-759
ABSTRACTThe eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is impacted by a prolonged conflict and humanitarian crisis. Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) affects an estimated 39.7% of women and 23.6% of men in the region, and is associated with serious medical, psychological, and socio-economic outcomes for survivors and communities. IMA World Health, a faith-based non-profit organisation, implements a USAID-funded project, Ushindi, which is a collaborative effort with three national NGOs and one technical partner in response to SGBV in eastern DRC. The consortium provides a comprehensive package of services to SGBV survivors, focusing on medical, emotional, psychological, legal, and socio-economic needs. 相似文献
56.
57.
Mary Jacobus 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(1-2):77-94
Wilfred Bion's A Memoir of the Future provides a point of departure for feminist thinking about the millennium. Bion problematizes hopes for the future and associates thought with catastrophic change. Women play an unexpected role in Bion's experimental autobiography, posing provocative questions and unsettling the status quo . Since Bion has little to say about women in his clinical writings, A Memoir sheds light on his thinking and on the post-Kleinian culture of the 1970s. Book I of A Memoir depicts a class- and sex-nightmare played out between men and women, and women and women, in an age of anxiety whose setting appears to be the fascist 'pacification' of Middle England during an unspecified period. In this hallucinatory drama, all encounters are reduced to a brutal fiction of dominance and submission. The violence of the action suggests the primitive mental world of psychosis. Book II of A Memoir satirizes 'the brilliance of masculine thought' through the voices and criticisms of women. But this is the purgatorial movement of Bion's autobiography, inhabited by 'idées mères' (untransformed beta-elements) and haunted by the ghosts of Bion's traumatic war-time experience. A monstrous plot is hatched to kill primitive, fascistic Man, who retaliates and takes the female spoils. Is this the prelude to catastrophic change? Book III stages a country-house debate between different characters who represent aspects of Bion's personality, recapitulating the concerns of his later writing. The debate includes a meditation on childbirth as compared to war trauma, but Bion takes his distance from feminine intuition or common sense. Women fight on both sides of the barriers in the Bionic revolution - becoming, however, figures for the 'unexpected' and precursors of emotional upheaval. The gendering of millennial thought in Bion's Memoir provides an opportunity to scrutinize our own unthought fantasies of change. 相似文献
58.
59.
60.
Mary Comerford Cooper 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(1):53-78
China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets
was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares
to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers
segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously
reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic
individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers
focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the
majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The
split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes
the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the
part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to
distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy,
slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly
corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the
gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform.
Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses
on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative
Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007,
and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive
and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo,
Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman,
Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are
purely my own. 相似文献