From Measurement to Management: Breaking through the Barriers to State and Local Performance

The Winter Commission’s aspirations for improvement of governance at the state and local level resulted in proposals to modernize public institutions and systems to remove the barriers on executive and managerial authority to act. Improving government performance and accountability to citizens requires leadership to empower employees by reducing rules, increasing discretion, and rewarding innovation. The performance measurement movement and its related performance management movement are public management trends of wide influence in state and local government that are both an adjunct to, and a reflection of those aspirations. Case studies of cities that have sought to develop and use performance measurement and engage citizens demonstrate great potential to improve governance and manage for results that citizens want. But even exemplary jurisdictions face challenges using evidence‐based, data‐driven performance management approaches. Promoting best practice requires better scholarship to understand the determinants of successful implementation, adoption, and use of performance measurement. The outcomes of performance management systems are generally unmeasured and little is known about their cost effectiveness or endurance over time. The promise is there, but our expectations should be tempered.     

Aid: A mixed blessing

Despite a growing emphasis by aid agencies on local participation and consultation, the recipients of aid commonly have mixed, if not hostile, responses to relief assistance. Agencies need to acknowledge the inequalities that are inherent in an aid relationship, and be more judicious in determining their proper role. The author calls for aid providers and recipients to accept our innate human equality and our circumstantial inequality in order to establish relationships of mutual respect and contemporaneous enjoyment of each other.     

Shifting priorities at the Health Protection Branch: challenges to the regulatory process

Abstract: The Health Protection Branch (hpb ) of Health Canada has recently undergone considerable policy and organizational renewal, with numerous and broad‐ranging implications for the evaluation of drug product safety and efficacy. From a public‐health perspective, however, the criteria used to develop organizational and policy change at the hpb have provided a sub‐optimal basis for reform, due primarily to the many forms of market failure to which the regulation of pharmaceuticals is subject. For example, thepartnership andefficiency criteria that guided policy renewal have led to the transfer of important responsibilities to partners, with the potential for either a conflict of interest or inadequate information, for which the legal basis is not always clear. The resulting realignment of the hpb's roles and responsibilities may be characterized as leading to a shift from a comprehensive approach to public‐health protection to one based on strategic risk management, with responsibilities dispersed among government, industry, academia and consumers. The rebalancing of goals in the redesign of the regulatory process suggests a change in the role of the state in the context of public‐health protection and highlights issues of concern to the public interest that may not be fully recognized as deregulation occurs in other sectors of the economy. Sommaire: La Direction générale de la protection de la santé (dgps ) de Santé Canada vient de subir un vaste remaniement de politiques et d'organisation qui entraîne de nombreuses et profondes répercussions sur l'évaluation de la sûreté et de l'efficacité des produits pharmaceutiques. Cependant, du point de vue de la santé publique, les critères auxquels on a fait appel pour modifier les politiques et l'organisation de la dgps n'ont permis qu'une base de réforme sous‐optimale, à cause surtout des nom‐breux genres de défaillance du marché qui affligent la réglementation des produits pharmaceutiques. Par exemple, les critières depurtenariat etd'efficacité qui ont guidé le remaniement des politiques ont amené le transfert d'importantes responsabilites à des partenaires moyennant le risque de. conflit d'intérêts ou d'informations inadéqaates, sans pour autant assurer une base juridique Claire. On pourrait donc dire que cette réorientation des rôles et responsabilités de la dgps fait que l'on passe d'une approche globale en matière de protection de la santéà une gestion stratégique du risque, la responsabilité en étant dispersée parmi le gouvernement, l'industrie, les milieux universitaires et les consommateurs. Le rééquilibrage des objectifs dans le remaniement du processus de réglementation suggère une évolution du rôle de l'État en ce qui concerne la protection de la santé publique; il met aussi en relief des questions d'intérêt public qui n'ont peut‐être pas été reconnues alors que la déréglementation prend lieu dans d'autres secteurs économiques.     

Public Perceptions of Benefits from and Worries over Plant‐Made Industrial Products and Plant‐Made Pharmaceuticals: The Influence of Institutional Trust

Although agricultural biotechnology has been a seminal reference point in risk perception studies, public awareness of their exposure to risk deriving from this new technology has been minimal at best. However, recent events indicate there may be growing public concern as new variations of this technology appear. Understanding what drives perceptions of benefits from the third generation of the agricultural biotechnology and what determines public worries are keys for the future of this technology. To this end, this study analyzes survey data from the midsouth region of the United States to construct four separate regression models of perceived benefits from and worries over plant‐made industrial products and plant‐made pharmaceuticals. Findings suggest that while prior experience with and knowledge about agricultural biotechnology has an impact on perceptions of benefits and worries, trust in farmers plays a highly important role in determining perceptions.     

New Thinking in Financial Market Regulation: Dismantling the “Split Share Structure” of Chinese Listed Companies

China’s distinctive set of stock market institutions was introduced in 1990. Among the characteristics of China’s stock markets was a strict separation between different categories of investors. Listed companies issued different categories of shares to state shareholders, domestic corporate investors, domestic individual investors, and foreign investors. By 2005, the barriers segmenting China’s stock market had been significantly relaxed. Domestic investors were allowed to purchase shares previously reserved for foreign investors, and approved foreign investors were allowed to purchase shares previously earmarked for domestic individuals. Nevertheless, a crucial barrier remained. An ongoing debate among Chinese academics, investors, and policy makers focused on how to resolve the “split share structure” (guquan fen zhi) in which a minority of shares were tradable while the majority of shares (namely those reserved for domestic corporate and state shareholders) were excluded from the market. The split share structure was blamed for distorting prices and inhibiting development of the stock market. This paper analyzes the policy adopted to address the split share structure. To what extent does this policy change reflect new thinking on the part of China’s market regulators? This paper argues that analysis of policy making in China’s capital markets can help to distinguish between two competing assessments of China’s political economy. One account sees China pursuing a gradualist strategy, slowly but steadily expanding the role of markets. Another account sees China trapped in a semi-marketized and increasingly corrupt development pattern. The implementation of the split share structure reform program provides evidence to support the gradualist account of incremental, but persistent, reform. Mary Comerford Cooper is an assistant professor in political science at the Ohio State University. Her recent research focuses on the politics of financial markets in China and Taiwan. Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the Comparative Politics Research Workshop/ Globalization, Institutions and Economic Security Workshop at Ohio State University in May 2007, and at the annual meeting of the Association for Chinese Political Studies in July 2007. I benefited greatly from the constructive and insightful comments of Bj?rn Alpermann, Melanie Barr, Jean-Marc Blanchard, Sarah Brooks, Joseph Fewsmith, Sujian Guo, Dane Imerman, Ryan Kennedy, Marcus Kurtz, Xiaoyu Pu, James Reilly, Alex Thompson, Daniel Verdier, Jianwei Wang, Alan Wiseman, Bin Yu, and an anonymous reviewer. I am also grateful for Lan Hu’s exceptional research assistance. All remaining flaws are purely my own.     

Reflections on mentoring experiences for evidence-informed decision-making in South Africa and Malawi

This article is based on the consensus that the availability and utilisation of research enhances policy discussions. The article reflects on the experiences within one approach: capacity building through mentoring. The UJ-BCURE programme aimed to increase the capacity of decision-makers to use evidence in decision-making via mentoring models. Mentoring is described as an interactive, facilitated process that promotes learning. The features of the models that have contributed to the programme’s success are orientation workshops with mentees combined with participatory, needs-led, and flexible approaches. UJ-BCURE experiences are relevant to the field of evidence-informed decision-making in an African government context.     

Foreign threat and political party change: Russia and changes in party manifestos

How do political parties react to foreign security threats? There has been very little attention paid in the literature generally to how parties react to international events, particularly how parties react to foreign policy threats. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, we examine how political parties in countries in Europe have reacted to Russian actions in terms of their emphasis on security issues. Based upon our analysis of the manifestoes from 331 parties in 36 countries we find that, generally, interstate threats have no significant effect on the military position adopted by political parties, although these effects vary by party type and by the type of threat. Russian based threats appear to be associated with the Far Left becoming more dovish (which is consistent with what would be expected by the literature) and the Far Right becoming significantly less hawkish.