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171.
Donald M. Freeman 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):144-176
Andrew Mack, (ed.), Asian Flashpoint: Security and the Korean Peninsula (Canberra and St. Leonards: ANU and Allen and Unwin, 1993), 175 pp. Toh Mun Heng and Linda Low, (eds.), Regional Cooperation and Growth Triangles in ASEAN (Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1993), 256 pp. Kent E. Calder, Strategic Capitalism: Private Business and Public Purpose in Japanese Industrial Finance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 373 pp. Garry Rodan, (ed.), Singapore Changes Guard: Social, Political and Economic Directions in the 1990s (Melbourne, Australia: Longman Cheshire Pty Limited and New York: St. Martin's Press, Inc., 1993), xxii + 209 pp. J. Mark Ramseyer and Frances McCall Rosenbluth, Japan's Political Marketplace, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993) 262 pp. Roger Goodman and Kirsten Refsing, (ed.), Ideology and Practice in Modern Japan (Routledge: London, 1992) 243 pp. John Bresnan, Managing Indonesia: The Modern Political Economy (New York, Columbia University Press, 1993), 375 pp. 相似文献
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Max Abrahms 《安全研究》2013,22(2):223-253
The conventional wisdom is that terrorists tend to target democracies because they are uniquely vulnerable to coercion. Terrorists are able to coerce democracies into acceding to their policy demands because liberal countries suffer from two inherent counterterrorism constraints: (1) the commitment to civil liberties prevents democracies from adopting sufficiently harsh countermeasures to eradicate the terrorism threat, and (2) their low civilian cost tolerance limits their ability to withstand attacks on their civilian populations. This article tests both propositions of the conventional wisdom that (a) terrorists attack democracies over other regime types because (b) liberal constraints render democracies vulnerable to coercion. The data do not sustain either proposition: illiberal countries are the victims of a disproportionate number of terrorist incidents and fatalities, and liberal countries are substantially less likely to make policy concessions to terrorists, particularly on issues of maximal importance. A plausibility probe is then developed to explain why democracies have a superior track record against terrorists. The basic argument is that liberal countries are comparatively resistant to coercion—and hence inferior targets—because they are superior counterterrorists. Liberalism's commitment to civil liberties and low civilian cost tolerance are, in the aggregate, actually strategic assets that help democracies prevail in counterterrorist campaigns, thereby reducing the incentives for terrorists to target this regime type. These findings have important implications for how democracies can defend their liberal values and physical security in the age of terrorism. 相似文献
174.
Max Stephenson Jr. 《European Security》2013,22(3):326-337
This article examines the case of the Community Foundation for Northern Ireland's (CFNI) experience as a primary recipient of peacebuilding aid from the European Union (EU) under the Special EU Programmes Body Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland (SEUPB-EUSSPPR). The case serves as a lens into the tensions that such efforts create for community-based organizations as they seek both to honor their funder's accountability claims and their own needs to ensure legitimacy and efficacy with those with whom they interact so as to secure space and discretion to seek to catalyze social experimentation and learning. This paper argues the Foundation's experience and frustrations with EU accountability claims point up a difficulty with the SEUPB's comprehensive conceptualization of peacebuilding: It tends in practice to favor Union-prescribed aims and objectives over those its ‘partners’ derive from their daily efforts. 相似文献
175.
Max Leitner 《Juristische Bl?tter》2007,129(4):247-251
Der Unterlassungsanspruch des § 28 Abs 1 KSchG richtet sich gegen gesetzwidrige Vertragsbestimmungen. Eine Vertragsbestimmung
liegt aber nicht vor, wenn der Kunde lediglich best?tigt, die Ware vollst?ndig erhalten zu haben. Es wird zwischen den Parteien
nichts geregelt, der Kunde gibt keine Willenserkl?rung ab, die den Vertrag gestaltet. Durch seine Best?tigung wird lediglich
ein Beweismittel geschaffen, das der richterlichen Beweiswürdigung im Individualverfahren unterliegt. Das Gesetz selbst untersagt
im § 6 Abs 1 Z 11 KSchG nur für den Verbraucher nachteilige Vereinbarungen über die Beweislast, w?hrend durch eine Wissenserkl?rung
die Beweislastverteilung nicht vertraglich abge?ndert wird. Die Wissenserkl?rung sagt lediglich aus, wovon der Erkl?rende
im Zeitpunkt der Erkl?rung ausgegangenist. Dies im übrigen auch nur dann, wenn der Erkl?rende die Erkl?rung bewusst abgegeben
und nicht nur eine ungelesene Urkunde unterfertigte. Die Klausel "Vollst?ndig erhalten:" unterliegt nicht der Inhaltskontrolle
nach § 28 Abs 1 KSchG und stellt keine Beweislastverschiebung zu Lasten des Verbrauchers im Sinne des § 6 Abs 1 Z 11 KSchG
dar. Ma?geblich für die Qualifikation einer Klausel als eigenst?ndig im Sinne des § 6 KSchG ist nicht die Gliederung des Klauselwerks;
es k?nnen vielmehr auch zwei unabh?ngige Regelungen in einem Punkt oder sogar in einem Satz der Allgemeinen Gesch?ftsbedingungen
enthalten sein. Es kommt vielmehr darauf an, ob ein materiell eigenst?ndiger Regelungsbereich vorliegt. Dies ist dann der
Fall, wenn die Bestimmungen isoliert voneinander wahrgenommen werden k?nnen. 相似文献
176.
Forensic science is being required to justify and elucidate its scientific foundations. One way of doing this is through academic curricula. For many native forensic sciences, these curricula do not exist. A content analysis of nine major books in fingerprints was conducted to develop a structure for curricula in that field. The results of this study can be used to organize course content and serve as a model for other disciplines with published materials but no coherent or standard curricula. 相似文献
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180.
Simone Marie Freeman 《Family Court Review》2007,45(4):638-656
Suspension is the most common form of discipline in our schools. In some cases students facing suspension are removed from school for an extended period of time or referred for expulsion based on the findings made at the student's suspension hearing. Nevertheless, students have no legal right to have counsel participate in, or advocate at, suspension hearings. Additionally, schools for the most part do not offer students alternatives to suspension, such as mediation sessions or other programs designed to allow students to complete school or community work while on suspension. This Note discusses the problems associated with school suspension and suspension hearings. It also explains why providing students with legal advocates at suspension hearings will help promote due process and facilitate better decision making on the part of the student. Finally, it advocates for mediation as an alternative to suspension and suspension hearings, as research suggests that mediation would reduce suspension rates and the costs associated therewith. 相似文献