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151.
Neumeyer Xaver Santos Susana C. Morris Michael H. 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2019,44(2):462-484
The Journal of Technology Transfer - This study attempts to develop our understanding of the ecosystem as a complex social construct by advancing a social network perspective. Based on personal... 相似文献
152.
Asian Journal of Criminology - 相似文献
153.
This article uses empirical evidence from Tanzania to show that bribes there are not “greasing” but instead encumber economic
transactions. The evidence suggests that bribe payments promote contacts with service providers, result in lower satisfaction
with public service delivery, and result in less efficient public services. Further evidence against bribes as ‘facilitators’
is presented in the form of opinion polls and actions taken to reduce bribe payments.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
154.
155.
This study investigated the impact of the abolition of the tender years doctrine on custody decisions in divorce cases. This doctrine supported the presumption that the mother is the more suitable parent for young children. In March of 1981, the Supreme Court of the State of Alabama found this doctrine to be unconstitutional. To assess the hypothesis that this ruling had a significant effect on custodyrelated decisions, a sample of court records for divorce cases in an Alabama county was examined as representative of the state on a number of key variables. Overall, no significant differences were found on indicator variables for the comparisons before and after the ruling. There was neither an increase in custody grants to fathers nor an increase in custody requests by fathers. 相似文献
156.
Michael Rizzo 《新民周刊》2012,(26):62-67
许多年来,我们所做的一切,就是为了让人们了解,世界各地贫穷的人们都渴望能够得到金融系统的支持。这种支持将改变他们的生活———全球各地的摄影师见证了这一点。世界银行扶贫协商小组(CGAP)是一个独立的政策研究中心,致力于让全球穷人能接触到金融服务。CGAP由30多家发展机构和私人基金支持,共同的目标是消除贫困。CGAP... 相似文献
157.
Michael M. Gunter 《中东政策》2012,19(1):119-125
158.
159.
European regulatory networks (ERNs) play a central role in the formulation, deliberation, and implementation of EU policies and have, thus, become objects of investigation in a fast‐growing scholarly literature. We identify two shortcomings – one conceptual, one theoretical – in the literature on ERNs: First, we argue that the principal–agent approach, which is conventionally used to conceptualize ERNs, overlooks and even misrepresents central features of ERNs. By introducing and applying the “orchestration” framework to ERNs we demonstrate that it better captures the specific characteristics of ERNs. Secondly, explanations for the choice and design of ERNs have treated functional and power‐based accounts as mutually exclusive. We argue instead that explanatory leverage can be gained by combining these two accounts by specifying their respective domains of application. While functional accounts enable us to illuminate why and under what circumstances ERNs are created in the first place (rather than EU agencies or delegation to the Commission), political accounts help us to shed light on variation in the design of ERNs (i.e. why actors opt for rather close or loose network structures). We illustrate the explanatory value‐added of such an approach through two brief case studies on EU telecommunications and competition policies. 相似文献
160.
Political marketing advances by engaging with new and advanced concepts from both of its parent disciplines. One of the most recent fields of brand research—the study of the human brand—is taken into the political marketing arena in this essay. Human branding is an emergent topic in mainstream marketing. The value as a brand of a person who is well-known and subject to explicit marketing communications efforts is being investigated in many fields. The concept has clear prima facie value in political marketing, where the role of a political leader as part of the political marketing offer has been recognized extensively. Politics is also a unique context given the relationship between leaders and parties, each of which has some unique brand associations. The process of exploring the application of human branding in politics also provides a context in which some of the interactions among party and leader, human brand, and organizational brand can be explored and further developed. Among the conclusions are that political party leaders require brand authenticity as an advocate of the party policy platform and brand authority to command the organization and deliver on the policies being advocated. Implications for party and campaign management are outlined. 相似文献