Taking Stock of Russian eGovernment

Abstract

This article analyses the successes and shortcomings of eGovernment reform in Russia in the context of three main aspects: public services provision; state regulatory activities; and interdepartmental interaction. The research was prompted by the rapid ascent of Russia in international eGovernment rankings, which reflects a more intense utilisation of information and communication technologies in the sphere of public administration. Within a short period of time, reformers were able to install a considerably advanced eGovernment architecture, supporting interactive and transactional remote access to government services. Yet, further progression towards a more responsive government and eDemocracy requires the adoption of higher standards of openness and accountability.     

Electoral Engineering in the Russian Regions (2003–2017)

Abstract

This article addresses the puzzle of electoral engineering in autocracies using data from three rounds of Russian regional legislative elections between 2003 and 2017. The analysis shows that electoral engineering was widespread in regions where governors lacked the resources necessary to rely on blatant forms of electoral malpractice for the benefit of United Russia. This pattern became evident during the third round of regional legislative elections. The study indicates that the manipulation of electoral systems may be important for authoritarian rulers when they are unable to rely on blatant electoral malpractice to ensure the certainty of electoral outcomes.     

俄罗斯的环境保护与立法权

从20世纪90年代起,俄罗斯开始进行积极的生态立法活动,经过十几年的积累,形成了独具俄罗斯特色的生态法律体系及立法特点,积累了丰富的立法经验。其中关于生态立法一体化以及其他立法的生态化趋向,彰显了俄罗斯生态立法中人与自然和谐统一的生态立法理念和价值诉求。但是,现行俄罗斯生态立法中也存在着立法活动与宪法原则不衔接的问题,而构建协调合理的生态法律体系,必须以能否遵守、实现和维护公民的良好环境享有权作为唯一评判标准。     

俄罗斯新欧亚思想及亚太政策

[内容提要]本文系统论述了俄罗斯新欧亚思想,认为俄罗斯既是一个欧洲国家,也是一个亚洲国家。俄大部分领土在亚洲,俄在继续关注欧洲方向的同时,应加大对亚洲方向的关注度,确保欧亚政策的“双向”平衡。文章在分析俄加强与亚太关系的必要性、可行性及与亚太经济、政治关系现状的基础上,着重指出俄与亚太关系发展的“滞后性”及其危害性,提出了进一步加强与亚太关系的措施,包括推进中俄关系、加强与东盟合作、积极参与朝核问题的解决及亚太区域合作、进一步开发远东地区、以能源合作为杠杆、加强外宣等。     

Ballot-Box Vigilantism? Ethnic Population Shifts and Xenophobic Voting in Post-Soviet Russia

To what extent does voting for anti-immigrant parties relate to long-term changes in ethnic composition within states? Four theoretical models are developed, based on studies of interethnic attitudes, housing segregation, racial violence, and hate crime in the United States. Each model is tested with the data on ethnic composition of the Russian Federation from 1989 to 2002 and voting for the extreme nationalist Zhirinovsky Bloc in the 2003 parliamentary election, using multiple regression and ecological inference methods. Most consistently supported is the “defended nationhood” model derived from the sociology of neighborhood vigilantism and the psychology of the security dilemma. Non-trivial, counterintuitive findings are: (1) xenophobic voting was responsive to changes in the proportion of some ethnic groups more so than others and not necessarily those that were more numerous or more widely disliked at the time of the vote (Chechens), but those that raised more uncertainty about the future ethnic composition and identity of the state (Asians); (2) levels of change, but not the rapidity of change in the ethnic composition of the population related significantly to xenophobic voting; and (3) greater percentage of the nation’s dominant ethnic group in a region reduced xenophobic voting by members of that dominant group (the highest share of Slavs voted for Zhirinovsky in the ethnically mixed Volga-Urals area).     

Islamist Communities on VKontakte: Identification Mechanisms and Network Structure

Abstract

This article examines the presence of extremist online communities on the Russian social network VKontakte following the tightening by Russian federal аuthorities of internet counter-extremism policies and censorship. Extremist communities were detected using linguistic markers for extremist attitudes and radical violence. The study of socio-demographic data and network metrics of Islamist extremist communities reveals some general tendencies in the Russian context: a majority of female participants, a highly decentralised community network structure, radical Salafism as the mainstream ideology and covert proselytisation through the discussion of Islamic theology and lifestyle issues that are not in themselves extremist.