全文获取类型
收费全文 | 93篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 3篇 |
工人农民 | 7篇 |
世界政治 | 4篇 |
外交国际关系 | 5篇 |
法律 | 53篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 18篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 1篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 2篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有93条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
Miles Larmer 《Labor History》2017,58(2):170-184
AbstractThis article provides a new history of mine capital and labour in the ‘Central African Copperbelt’ – the cross-border mining region of the Zambian copperbelt and Haut Katanga in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It doing so, it seeks to overcome the limitations of earlier structurally minded analysis rooted in modernist notions regarding the transformative capacity of mining capital and a ‘new’ African working class. Building on post-structuralist challenges to such assumptions, the article demonstrates the precarity, unevenness and uncertainty of the actually existing copperbelt economy and society. The comparison of the two copperbelt regions enables consideration of differential outcomes as a way of rethinking apparent inevitabilities. Analysis of how ideas about these mining societies were generated and circulated helps explain how dominant ways of understanding copperbelt capital and labour relations became established and continue to inform nostalgia for a ‘golden age’ of mining-fuelled prosperity at odds with historical reality. 相似文献
32.
This article examines the lack of policy response to the 1990 U.S. National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) that predicted the collapse of Yugoslavia. Contrary to common criticisms of estimative intelligence, the NIE was accurate and unambiguous. Why was good intelligence unheeded? For some policymakers, the analysis was not closely tied to their interests and competed with other priorities for attention; for those who were substantive experts, the NIE’s grim message was hard to accept. Moreover, policymakers read intelligence reports in the context of popular concepts – a lingering Cold War lens distorted more than it clarified. Finally, while the NIE made hard-hitting judgments, it did not include any analysis of opportunities to influence the outcome. Rather than pushing an already difficult estimate to the breaking point, including opportunities would likely have increased the odds of policymakers taking action. These lessons have broader implications for analytical tradecraft and the often-challenging relationship between intelligence and policy. 相似文献
33.
34.
William F.S. Miles 《Democratization》2018,25(1):98-114
For all the novelty of a democratizing “Arab Spring”, there have long been pockets in the Middle East where Arabic-speaking voters have gone to the polls in competitive elections, albeit as minority citizens. This article sheds light on such voting at the grassroots level, in Israel, where passions are intense even as the issues and candidates are local. Contradictions between Western notions of electoral democracy and the power of the Arab extended family (hamula) result in what we call “electoral hamulism”. Unexamined heretofore in the scholarly literature are the variability of polling station openness and the methodology of electoral observation in the Arab electoral world. Also underappreciated are psycho-cultural consequences of electoral loss. Overall, the article takes up Valbjørn’s call for “meta-study” analysis and “self-reflective” rethinking of the study of Arab politics. 相似文献
35.
Although the paramountcy of chiefs was undone by colonial rule, traditional rulers have served as important adjuncts in the
administration of post-colonial government in both Africa and Oceania. This paper examines the evolution of the chieftaincy,
particularly as an agent of administration, in West Africa (Niger and Nigeria) and Melanesia (Vanuatu). Although French and
British colonial regimes had distinctive policies regarding the use of “their” chiefs, post-colonial Nigérien, Nigerian, and
ni-Vanuatu governments have all come to rely on traditional rulers to aid in development activities. The degree of autonomy
retained by traditional rulers varies, however: it is highest in Vanuatu, lowest in Niger. Differing conceptions and uses
of tradition and “custom” help explain these variations.
Five modern functions of traditional rulers are identified as contributing to development administration: 1) linkage or “brokering”
between grassroots and capital; 2) extension of national identity through the conferral of traditional titles; 3) low-level
conflict resolution and judicial gate-keeping; 4) ombudsmanship; and 5) institutional safety-valve for overloaded and subapportioned
bureaucracies. Creating educated chieftaincies significantly enhances the effectiveness of traditional rulers' contributions
to development and administration.
William F.S. Miles is chair of the Development Administration Concentration (Public Administration Program) and associate
professor of political science at Northeastern University in Boston. Some of his recent articles have appeared inAfrican Studies Review, theAmerican Political Science Review, andComparative Politics. Professor Miles's two forthcoming books areImperial Burdens: Countercolonialism in Former French India (Lynne Rienner Publishers) andHausaland Divided: Colonialism and Independence in Nigeria and Niger (Cornell University Press). Please address correspondence 相似文献
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.